The Chinese endeavour to settle their differences

Press, 27 March 1981, Page 10

The Chinese endeavour to settle their differences

\By

JOHN GITTINGS

in “The Guardian,” London

A deal between the Chinese Army and the “moderated’ in the Communist Party leadership has been struck which, if successful, will silence the critics of ViceChairman Deng Xiaoping — China’s most influential politician — both inside and outside the party. This month Chairman Hua Guofeng has come under fresh criticism for “Leftist” mistakes, at a conference held in the exact place where he started his career. This ties in with new moves to weaken “the pernicious influence of the Leftist line” in several Chinese Erovinces. And Vice-Chairman ►eng himself has warned in a widely circulated speech that the Army will be called in to suppress student activists calling for more democracy. Recent strictures against the sin of “anarchism,” a term used to describe any criticism which by implication challenges the party’s leading role, will re-assure the People’s Liberation Army that Vice-Chair-man Deng intends to prevent any further weakening of the State apparatus — and will help buy its support for the eventual removal of Chairman Hua.

The cult of the- personality, which followed Hua’s appointment as Chairman after the death of Mao Tse-tung, has

been criticised at a mass meeting of local officials in Xiangyin County, Hunan Province. Hua was secretary of the Communist Party in “the Xiangyin area in the 19505, where he first caught Mao’s eye as a loyal follower. The meeting was told that “under the influence of the personality cult” unrealistic targets were set, and “slogans to win glory” were uttered in 1977-78. These were the years when dozens of pamphlets celebrated Hua’s early career in Xiangyin, while all over China the “Four Modernisations” campaign was setting targets which were subsequently scaled down. The political manoeuvre now being attempted by’ the Deng Xiaoping supporters is extremely tricky. It requires satisfying a number of different

interest groups without conceding too much to any single one. The Chinese people.in general. must be reassured that privilege and dead bureaucracy in ■ the party and State administrations will be exposed. But the official line in recent weeks stresses that this job must be tackled by the party itself, not from outside. A recent editorial in the party newspaper, “The People’s Daily,” urged the press all over China to publish more articles attacking mal-adminis-

tration. but this work should be done, it stresses, “under the leadership of the party committees.” It also warns that “criticism by name ... should be discreet.” The speech by Deng Xiaoping which is now being circulated was delivered to a “work conference” of the party’s Central Committee in the last week of December. It signalled a shift back to greater emphasis upon political controls and education in a style reminiscent of the early 1960 s — when Deng was last in charge of the party machine as its Secretary-General. Political study sessions have now again become compulsory at many places of work, and it was announced last week that “ideological and moral teaching” would be re-introdticed this autumn into the curricula of all Chinese primary schools. Army prestige has been boosted by the attention given to the P.L.A.’s own model hero, the soldier Lei Feng, who Was first the subject of a nationwide campaign in 1963. Apart from Deng’s political calculations, . his December speech shows an understandable reaction among veteran party leaders of his generation against the more individualistic values bf Chinese youth whose collective ideals have been shattered by the repudiation of the cultural Revolution. (The irony is that these ideals

were destroyed by Deng him- $

self in the course of his struggle with the Gang of Four.)

A controlled experiment’ to allow real elections for local officials in rural counties, urban factories and college administrations led in some places to much more radical demands for curbing the party’s power. This follows on from the unofficial Democracy Movement of 1979-80, which at’ the time helped Deng to erode the prestige of the orthodox party bureaucrats headed by Chairman Hua. Now it serves no useful political purpose. Deng emphasises that the party will not hesitate to declare martial law and call in the Army if demonstrations against its authority occur.

In the cultural field, “The People’s Daily” has published an article calling for literature and art to be viewed “from a dialectical viewpoint.”

The article criticises what it calls “erroneous attempts” which have been made recently to “shake off, weaken and negate the party’s leadership over literature and art.” It also deplores the fact that Chinese writers fore how able to describe love and personal feelings more freely. It is the party’s way of saying that there must be a definite limit on artistic freedom.