Pakistan under the military

Press, 7 July 1977, Page 16

Pakistan under the military

The world is all too well acquainted with military commanders who seize power in their countries professing that they have no political ambitions and that they will return the country’ to civilian rule as soon as possible. Those who do not find some reason for prolonging military control are few and far between. Whether the leader of the coup d’etat in Pakistan, General Zia-ul Haque, who has removed the Prime Minister, Mr Bhutto, from office, will be one of these few should be known soon. He has promised elections in October.

In the meantime the familiar pattern of military coups is likely to be seen: suspension of political activity, detention of political leaders, imposition of press censorship, and the removal of citizens’ rights. Already a few of these measures have been implemented, including the dissolving of the national and provincial parliaments.

The people of Pakistan are strangers neither to martial law nor to curbs on civil liberties. Since Pakistan came into existence in 1947, periods of martial law have been frequent. Under Mr Bhutto political opponents have been imprisoned since the elections four months ago, press censorship has been imposed, and troops have been used to keep Mr Bhutto in power. The Opposition Pakistan National Alliance said that the March elections were rigged in favour of Mr Bhutto's party. The P.N.A. took its cause to the streets and in the inevitable clashes 350 people lost their lives. The P.N.A. presented a long list of demands which included the resignation of Mr Bhutto and the holding of new elections under military supervision. Although the military coup may make fresh elections possible, and

has obviously stripped power from Mr Bhutto, the Opposition has got more than it bargained for: the military leaders seem to have been even handed in suppressing politicians on both sides.

Since the breaking up of the two wings of Pakistan in the Bangladesh war in 1971, India has become more than ever the dominant power in the sub-continent. The revival of martial law in Pakistan should not upset the existing balance between the two countries, and Indian leaders have been emphasising their view that the coup is strictly the internal business of Pakistan. Military rule in Pakistan may restrain tribal fighting in Baluchistan province and possibly in the NorthWest Frontier province, where the Pathans have been agitating for a country of their own. The problems of the North-West Frontier province will depend partly on the reaction of Afghanistan, which has been supporting the Pathans by urging the establishment of a new country, Pakhtoonistan. Whoever is in power in Pakistan is bound to be touchy about any further dismemberment of the country. Relations with Afghanistan may turn out to be a key to Pakistan’s future. If General Zia is intent upon holding elections and succeeds, where Mr Bhutto failed, in establishing effective democratic government, the military interregnum may save Pakistan much agony. The General may have some difficulty in persuading Pakistanis that he is not merely acting to re-establish Mr Bhutto in power. That is one reason for not being too hopeful about his promise. Another is that almost any untoward event, inside Pakistan or on its borders, will give the military a reason for postponing or abandoning the promised elections.