The price of defeat

Press, Volume CXI, Issue 32797, 23 December 1971, Page 12

The price of defeat

Few modem governments have survived defeat in war. President Yahya Khan of Pakistan is no exception. His removal from office once East Pakistan was lost and a cease-fire signed with India was - virtually inevitable: he may yet have to face the indignity of a trial. Since he ordered the Pakistan Army to suppress separatism in East Pakistan nine months ago he has done no more than carry out a policy which was endorsed enthusiastically by most West Pakistanis. It was the failure of that policy, not any failing on the part of General Yahya, which led to the debacle. The impression the world has gained of President Yahya is that of a bluff, sincere soldier who genuinely hoped to see Pakistan return to civffian rule, bat not at the cost of a spilt between the East and West wings of the country. He could hardly have acted otherwise than he did, although his handling of secessionists in the East was unnecessarily brutal; preservation of the integrity of the national territory must surely be the prime concern of any head of State.

Although his successor (Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) is likely to show more skill as a politician, he must follow the same basic policies, including continuing close ties with China. Mr Bhutto has made it clear that he regards the secession of East Pakistan as temporary. In spite of the evidence of the last few weeks he will not admit, at least in public, that Bangla Desh exists. Mr Bhutto may hatfe to modify his stand before long. In working out a final settlement with India and East Pakistan he will find that he has little to bargain with. His armed forces, now in disarray, are much inferior to those of India; Pakistan’s friends in Peking and Washington have been ready enough with sympathy but not with military force; he has the leader of East Pakistan (Sheikh Mujibur Rahman) in gaol, but the Sheikh’s release may be a condition for the return by. India of the 70,000 Pakistani prisoners of war.

So far only India has recognised the new State of Bangla Desh. Russia may be the next to do so, but will almost certainly wait until the rudiments of an administration are functioning m Dacca. The Russians may also be expected to offer recognition in return for a greater proportion of pro-Moscow Communists being admitted to the new Government. In spite of Mr Bhutto’s spirited remarks that West Pakistan “will continue to fight for East Pakistan, “if necessary for three generations”, independence in the East appears to have been established by the Indian victory. Other States, including New Zealand, will soon have to face the question of recognition.

The situation is without precedent: one

Commonwealth member has defeated another in war and enforced a partition in which a new State has been created. Recognition now would endorse India’s resort to war. it should await the working out of a settlement to which West Pakistan is a party. The East Pakistanis have suffered much in the last year and every assistance should be given to them in rebuilding their battered country. Recognition by New Zealand should be withheld until there is much wider agreement among the Great Powers that an independent Bangla Desh is a permanent member of the community.