Lonely islands centre of international oil quarrel

Press, Volume CXI, Issue 32639, 22 June 1971, Page 26

Lonely islands centre of international oil quarrel

(By

PHILIP DION)

HONG KONG. A cluster of tiny islands in the East China Sea—the Senkakus, or Tiao Yu Tai group—soon may become the centre of a multi-nation drama which could turn diplomacy into open confrontation. The nations involved are Japan, China Taiwan (Formosa) and the United States. The stakes: huge virgin oil deposits on the continental shelf.

Japan claims the Senkakus as its own. Peking says the islands are part of China. And the Nationalist government in Taiwan, which regards itself as the sole representative of the Chinese people, insists the group is under Taipei’s mantle. In the fermenting Senkakus issue, the problem is this: the United Nations Continental Shelf Convention of 1958 which Japan has not signed since it commonly fishes close to other nations’ shores, and which Taiwan approved only last year to enhance its claim to the Senkakus stipulates that countries adjacent to continental shelves can claim rights on the shelves only to a point midway between them. There is no international precedent in which uninhabited islands such as die Senkakus have been used in determining the midway mark.

If Japan in fact has sovereignty over the Senkakus, it can claim rights to the shelf halfway between the islands and mainland China, with exploitation of the shelf’s resources. If the Senkakus belong to Taiwan, Japan is deprived of a new and cheap source of industrial fuel 90 per cent of which now comes from the unstable Middle East. The implications are enormous for Japan, the world’s third biggest industrial power. Strange drama This strange and potentially explosive drama began in 1884, when the Senkakus were discovered by a Japanese fisherman named Tatsuhiro Koga. He reported finding five small islands and several rocky islets 250 miles west of Ishigaki Island, one of the southernmost of the Ryukyu chain. The biggest was two and half miles long, a mile wide and total surface area just eight square miles. Koga found his only companions were a few seabirds.

In 1895 Tokyo’s imperial

cabinet decided the Senkakus, like the Ryukyus, were Japanese territory, and a decree to this effect was issued in 1896. No nation, including China, seemed to notice the event much Jess object. After Japan’s defeat in the Second World War the Senkakus remained Japanese territory, still no more than a way-station for fishermen.

Then a second significant part of the backstage drama unfolded. Victorious China reclaimed Taiwan, which had been a Japanese colony and military bastion from 1895; America took over the administration of the Ryukyus (Okinawa) and the Senkakus. Despite the Senkakus’ proximity to Taiwan, China again lodged no objection. Oil potential There matters rested for more than 20 years. But in 1968 came the first of three major developments which set the scene for the current diplomatic dilemma: the United Nations Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (E.C.A.F.E.) reported a vast area on the continental shelf north and north-east of Taiwan might contain oil deposits. The Senkakus took -on international importance almost overnight.

In 1969 a Japanese geological team confirmed the E.C.A.F.E. findings and estimated deposits in the Senkakus area alone at 15 million tons. The team further reported that the whole rivalling those in the shelf could hold deposits Middle East.

In May last year South Korea established seven seabed mining areas, one of which was less than 20 miles off Nagasaki prefecture in Japan. Two months later Taiwan granted concession rights to an American company, permitting it to prospect a 20,000 square mile area including the Senkakus.

This was Taiwan’s first known claim to the islands. Soon after, Taiwan planted a Nationalist flag there; the United States, committed to the defence of Japan and the Ryukyus, ordered it removed. Grim prospect Last September the Ryukyuan Government called for mining applications. It received 24,841 bids, of which 308 were accepted. But none was given the green light because, since Taiwan had given rights to a United States company,there was a danger of con--flict.

Since governments must j protect test drilling activities in areas approved by them, ' there arose the spectre of t two of America’s staunchest . allies and "protectorates" confronting each other in . waters patrolled by its own . navy. There was also the . grim prospect of Japan and > South Korea squaring off in > the same way, over the same ■ issue, near Nagasaki. ! After initial acrimony, rea- : son began to prevail. Japan, i Taiwan and South Korea representatives met in Seoul 1 in November to discuss tri- ■ partite development of the f shelf so that a serious and i unprecedented contest might 1 be avoided. > r But in December, China 1 stepped in to charge that ■ United States imperialism - and Japanese militarism were : at work. Peking made its . first public claim that the

Senkakus were part of China's “sacred territory. Taiwan province" and that it had been thus “since time immemorial.”

Tokyo, clearly displeased by this, reiterated Japanese claims to the Senkakus, declaring: “There is no reason for Japan to negotiate with foreign countries on their ownership.” Underlining the importance which Japan was placing on the islands, the defence ministry issued a cryptic statement that the navy was capable of defending Japan’s shores and shipping routes. | Chinese warning Last April, Chinese students in the United States, : Taiwan and the British colony of Hong Kong demon- ; strated against Japanese claims to the Senkakus. On the heels of the spate of ‘ demonstrations Taipei protes- ■ ted against a Japanese plan to erect an unmanned wea- , ther station on one of the ' islands. China returned to the fray, warning that Japan ’ was preparing for military ’ occupation of the Senkakus and that the United States ' was involved in a swindle to ( include the islands in a pack- , age deal with Ryukyuan (reversion to Japan. Japan, ' said Peking, planned to use the Senkakus as a perimet r ! of air defence. Since then, Japan has been ( silent, and the issue has been ' dormant for a couple of ' months. But it will not remain so. This month the United States signed an agreement to return the Ryukyu Islands to Japan in June, 1972. t Washington has tried to stay clear of the argument by maintaining it is none of America’s business. But like it or not, America has been directly involved ever since it took the administrative reins of the Ryukyus, and it will continue to be so until the day that legacy of a previous war reverts to There will be much behind-the-scenes activity hopefully diplomatic between now and that June day next year. Because on that day Japan will send its own patrol boats to the Senkakus—and the real drama will begin.— Intrasia News Service.