AFRICAN INDEPENDENCE COUP AFTER COUP—AND THE REVOLUTION ROLLS ON

Press, Volume CXI, Issue 32524, 6 February 1971, Page 14

AFRICAN INDEPENDENCE COUP AFTER COUP—AND THE REVOLUTION ROLLS ON

(By

T. S. MONKS,

in the “Sydney Morning Herald”)

(Reprinted by arrangement) It is 10 years now since the first great sweep into independence. And the African revolution rolls on. In Uganda, a coup succeeded, and a founder revolutionary, Dr Milton Obote, a master of political management, is toppled, seemingly by a simple soldier. Across the other side of the continent, in Guinea, an attempted coup fails. And there was the sickening aftermath—a “carnival” of mass executions, and an African Archbishop facing hard labour for the rest of his life.

There are few now of the countries of black Africa which have not experienced coup or massive upheaval, and where the original leaders to independence still survive in power. The casualty list is long: politics in black Africa are ferocious.

But Apollo Milton Obote of Uganda had been confident of survival. He had come through so much in his 46 years. He had come to so manage things, with rivals either in gaol or scattered, that he could not see how a coup could be effectively carried out. True, he had had a narrow escape just over a year ago when a bullet struck him in the face. Grim efficiency Since then, however, there had been another round-up of potential oppositionists: and his cousin Akena Adoko, had geared up the formidable secret police force to a new grim pitch of efficiency.

The Army, perhaps, was a source of worry. There had been a good deal of trouble in the Army, and it could be that the Army chief, MajorGeneral Idi Amin, might not be looking at Obote with the old faithful look in his eyes.

But General Amin was so obviously no politician. He seemed almost solely concerned with soldierly affairs. [And, in any case, the police force under Ernest Oryma was very watchful of any moves in the Army that could look potentially dangerous to the regime. Furthermore, Adoko’s secret police were watching Oreyema’s police. Dr Obote must have brooded with satisfaction on all this. He had gone off happily to the Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ conference at Singapore with only a small entourage. Some other African leaders when they stray from their home countries feel obliged to take with them all those who could conceivably offer any challenge. This has been particularly the case since Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana went off !on an overseas tour, to have his country slip away from him.

Yet just like Nkrumah (who still languishes in exile in Guinea), Dr Obote was convinced of his mass popularity. He felt that the people gave him overwhelming support and more and more he has wanted to stretch his legs on the international stage. Dr Obote had become almost obsessed by the issue of the British Government’s proposal to sell arms to South Africa and he had been determined to make a major impact on this issue at the Singapore conference. He never had any particular warm feelings towards Britain or the Commonwealth. He had become rather contemptuous of Europeans and of the Western world in general. And at Singapore he warned Britain’s Prime Minister, Mr Edward Heath, that, if arms were sold to South Africa, uncontrollable violence in Uganda might arise against the British community there. Violence planned Dr Obote hardly visualised that, while he was speaking at Singapore, violence was in the planning in Uganda that would spell the end of his regime. In fact, the chain of secret police watching police and police watching Army proved to be very different from

what Dr Obote had been told. First, the chief of the secret police, his cousin, Akena Adoko, was out of the country. Without this Ugandan "grey eminence” watching intently for any move, there was danger. As for the police under Ernest Oryema watching the Army under General Amin . . . Oreyma and Amin had made a pact—to stage a coup together. They brought their plans into swift operation, probably with the guidance of Obote’s Defence Minister, the somewhat mysterious Felix Onama.

Within a day, MajorGeneral Amin had emerged as at least titular new head of Uganda, and was making promises of. a new deal. “Big Idi,” as the general is known to his intimates because of his six feet four inches of height and his considerable breadth, is far from being the Sandhurst type of clipped military leader. He had come up a long, hard way through the ranks, was heavy-weight boxing champion of Uganda, has simple tastes and no political experience whatsoever. Nor has he ever been regarded as having any political ambitions. So there is an initial assumption, at least, that he is a titular leader and that there are more formidable political figures somewhere behind him. Pattern repeated But “Big Idi” controlled the power, perhaps the only power, that could oust Milton Obote. It is once more in the pattern of the African revolution. Independence comes. The first generation of African revolutionaries take charge. They move towards a one-party state. Political opposition comes to be regarded by them as "treason.”

Overthrow by rival politicians comes, therefore, to be nearly an impossibility. They "Africanise” their armies by shedding the British officers who have generally stayed on to lead and train the forces. The Africanised armies then oust the firstgeneration political leaders and take over. In most cases the take-

over has been in resentment against the political leaders taking their countries further and further to the left and setting themselves up as permanent rulers. Milton Obote had instituted a charter openly called the “Move to the Left.” He had visualised himself ruler of Uganda for life. The other side Away over on the west coast in Guinea, another of the original generation of African leaders sees himself as national ruler for life— Sekou Toure.

There are many people in Africa who wish it had been Sekou Toure who had been overthrown rather than Milton Obote.

For, although Obote’s regime was repressive, it pales in comparison with that of Sekou Toure.

All efforts to topple him fail. Last week’s horror was the aftermath of the last effort in November. Sekou Toure had gathered his National Assembly to sit as a supreme revolutionary tribunal. Death sentences were passed on 58 Africans. And then, said Guinea Radio, there was a “carnival” of public executions while 72 (more Africans started sentences of hard labour for life. Among them was the native-born Roman Catholic Archbishop of Conakry. Sekou Toure’s half-brother, in a cold-blooded announceIment, said it was “up to the (people” to accelerate the [deaths of those sentenced to life imprisonment. Once more, Sekou Toure thinks he is safe. He clings desperately to power. He is said to allow ammunition to ibe distributed to his army only in emergency. The once - handsome, elegant [young man widely admired [on visits to Paris in French [colonial times is now [reckoned to be unbalanced. He sees plots around him continually. Many are certainly [figments of his jumpy imagin|ation. But some are real and [someday perhaps one will succeed. And those who care for the good name of Africa I will be glad. For Guinea is (too often a cause for shuddering.