Spirit Of Nationalism Running High In Papua-New Guinea

Press, Volume CIX, Issue 32304, 23 May 1970, Page 19

Spirit Of Nationalism Running High In Papua-New Guinea

,i (By ROBERT HAWKINS) /PORT MORESBY (Papua-New Guinea). ! The Prime Minister of Australia, Mr Gorton, [would be the last to admit it, but signs are that his policy toward the sprawling tropical territory of Papua-New j Guinea is at last bending , to pressures at home and ; from abroad. Mr Gorton’s conservative [ Liberal-Country Party coali-.

tion had long refused to bow to charges that it was dragging its feet in bringing the eastern half of this primitive island to independence. Ignoring pressures from the United Nations Special Committee of 24 on Colonialism, Canberra maintained that independence would be granted the two million Melanesians bf PapuaNew Guinea only when it was [fully satisfied they were ready I for it. I But events in the first five ; months of what is certain to be Papua-New Guinea’s decade of destiny suggest j that all has changed. There is now a feeling among Europeans—both in private industry and in the Territory Administration that Australia is becoming weary of its responsibility to “go all the way” in priming the entire population for stable selfgovernment. Today, it seems Australia’s aim is to quickly groom a political and economic elite to take over the reins of gov- ! eminent, probably as soon as 1976, after which Australia would become just one of a number of nations providing economic and technological] assistance.

Primitive People Whatever the case against [colonial enclaves around the world, however, the recent acceleration here toward selfgovernment is worrisome to those who know that the yardstick by which Canberra is measuring its decisions is no more than a veneer disguising a frighteningly primitive indigenous mass. The island of New Guinea, at 315,000 square miles, the world second-largest non-con-tinental land-mass and shaped like some grotesque prehistoric bird, lies to the north of Australia, below the equator. It marks “White Australia’s” only land border with Asia.

The Dutch. German and British colonists arbitrarily drew their demarcation lines during the 19th century. Today, west of a north-south line drawn a century ago and almost bisecting the island, lies Indonesia’s newest province, West Irian. Most of the province's 750,000 people are of the same ethnic origin as those in the Australianadministered eastern region.

Apart from pockets of i development in highland areas of Papua-New Guinea, most of the island's mountainous “spine” the most , [ densely populated part remains a mystery to all but ■the occasional visiting gov-i 'ernment officer, whether Aus-, tralian or Indonesian. There, [life goes on much as it has ifor centuries: in near-stone-age style, the people live amid ignorance comparable [ only to remote areas of the Brazilian interior.

While the people of West] Irian now must reconcile themselves to indefinite rule from Djakarta, the inhabi-; tants of Papua-New Guinea—at least, those with political awareness—still can dream of the day when they may decide their own destiny.

Frequent Criticism ■ Canberra frequently has declared its intention to grant independence eventually both to its own colony, Papua, and to the United Nations Trust Territory of New Guinea. But since it began administering the two territories as one a: quarter-century ago, Aust- [ ralia has met a constant; barrage of criticism—mainly j from the Soviet Union and i the Special Committee of 24.] : More " recently, its govern-i ment of Papua-New Guinea [ ha. come under fire from the . main political opposition in: Australia, the Labour Party,; led by Mr Gough Whitlam. Five months ago Whitlam visited Papua-New Guinea. He later reported that Australian political attitudes toward New Guinea “have been composed largely of indifference, ignorance and arrogance.” And he dryly confessed to “an unpardonable indescretion: I spoke in front of the servants. Worse still, 1 talked 'with them.” (Mr Whitlam’s visit and the controversy it

aroused was especially annoying to Mr Gorton, who has not visited Papua-New Guinea since he gained the prime ministership two and a half years ago.) Canberra’s immediate reaction to Whitlam's non conformist approach—and his vow that a Labour government would grant self-rule by 1972—was to charge him with irresponsibility. To the Opposition leader’s suggestion that the Federal Government should listen to the people rather than rely on some sort of paternal infallibility, Mr Gorton replied that Mr Whitlam's actions could seriously disrupt work toward tribal and racial harmony.

Natives Confused ] “If this results in greater (violence and Australia’s jname is thereby damaged—he (Mr Whitlam) will ... be responsible,” Mr Gorton declared. That was in early January. Now, the Australian government has taken a step which indicates a willingness to speed the process of handling over to those “servants” —thus moving considerably toward the Labour Party view of the nation’s “colonial problem.” Although at the beginning of May the longtime External Territories Minister, Mr Charles Barnes was still berating Mr Whitlam, Mr Gorton announced the promotion of Papua-New Guinea administrator, Mr David Hay, to the senior civil servant position, in the External Territories, Department Canberra. Mr Hay will be succeeded by another veteran Territorian,

Lesley Johnson, former chief of the Papua-New Guinea Education Department. 1 Mr Barnes, now 69 and soon to return to the back-: benches before retiring from]] politics, has bemused and] confused both the natives of 1 Papua-New Guinea and rest-] dent Europeans during his ( seven years as Minister, in 1 , that time, Port Moresby has J seen the birth of a House of]. Assembly with a native] majority on paper (although|| skilfully manipulated by.i, official Australian members [< of the House), a university, 1 ; considerable progress in local:! government, and efforts I

toward a fairly sound econo-] mic foundation. But Mr Barnes's most] glaring mistake has been his failure to comprehend that the people of Papua-New | Guinea just might want some-; thing other than a system modelled almost entirely on the Australian norm. He has tended to ride roughshod

over protests by the islanders of Bougainville—lying between New Britain and the] British Solomon Islands Pro-,

tectorate—against the resump-] tion of their land in the: mineral-rich Kieta area. And' he has stubbornly refused to acknowledge that a movement in New Britain’s compara- 1 tively sophisticated Tolai ' sector—resentful of white affluence and Port Moresby I authority—has the support of more than a tiny minority of its proud people. Test In Fiji

Mr Barnes's days of territorial control are now numbered, and the feeling is that Mr Gorton plans to allow the handling of Papua—•NewGuinea to rest almost wholly with Mr Johnson, under the guidance of Mr Hay in Canberra. Both men are considered by natives and Europeans alike to have the best interests of this triballyfragmented region at heart. Most people here, including European residents jealously guarding the luxury of “colonial” life, and Papuan and New Guinean political leaders, feel that 1976 is too soon even for internal home rule. But in a land whose immediate future lies with its young men and women: just out of high school or] university, the spirit of I nationalism is running high. Another place and another; people may yet prove to be the biggest test of both Canberra and Papua-New Guinea's political leaders. ] More than 2000 miles east of

here lies the British Crown ] Colony of Fiji. In London this month it was decided [that Fiji would be granted independence in October. That decision has left a giant question mark hanging over the colony. Fiji is racially divided, Indians outnumbering Fijians. The first days of ah independent Fiji will be fraught with danger If the recently-emerged but highly fragile harmony be tween the commercially adept Indians and the fiercely proud Fijians continues, Canberra can feel heartened. But if Fiji’s independence [mushrooms, into a racial (bloodbath, as many Pacific ] authorities fear, it will be (time for the Australian ; government to do some (serious rethinking about its [plans for Papua-New Guinea. (—lntrasia Press Agency.