Czechoslovak Elections

Press, Volume CVIII, Issue 31762, 20 August 1968, Page 13

Czechoslovak Elections

Soon

(N.Z. Press Assn.—Copyright) PRAGUE, August 19.

After a hectic round of party and State visits, Czechoslovakia is now in the throes of political jockeying befor the country’s fourtee n t h Communist Party congress, which opens in three weeks, N.Z.P.A. - Reuter reported.

This is yet another tough political hurdle to clear for the young Czechoslovak leader, Mr Alexander Dubcek, coming soon after his showdown with the Soviet Union and other allies over domestic reforms.

The fourteenth congress—brought forward by more than a year—has one major aim: to elect a new leadership to the top party presidium and to the 110-man central committee which will implement without reservations the reforms envisaged in the new action programme —a heady list of political freedoms which goes beyond anything dreamed of in such hard-line States as the Soviet Union, Poland, or East Germany. But the brutal fact about the Czechoslovak party congress is this: if the Czechoslovak reformers succeed in voting in their own supporters to key party posts, they will inevitably eliminate the best friends of Moscow from the Prague leadership. The major question now is how far can the Czechoslovak reformers go in eliminating their opponents—most of them 100 per cent pro-Moscow men—without causing yet another spectacular crisis with the Soviet Union and inviting a further war of

nerves, political threats and economic pressure. If the progressives win at the forthcoming party ballot, it will involve voting out of office about half the present leadership—a purge which few Communist parties have executed in one stroke in recent times.

Some progressive members of the party now fear that a compromise will again have to be reached guaranteeing the conservatives a reasonable share in official posts. But political in-fighting has begun, and will reach a crescendo as the congress opens.

Mr Dubcek, the 46-year-old Slovak who was suddenly thrust into the national and then the world spotlight as the leader who stood up to recent Soviet demands, is coming under increasing political pressure. On two occasions this week he publicly affirmed his support for the maintenance of the Peoples’ Militia—a paramilitary force of armed workers known among intellectuals as the “party’s private army.” These factory guards, armed with rifles, played a prominent part in maintaining order when the Communists took over here in early 1948.

One vocal group of reformers regard the militia as undemocratic and not in harmony with the democratic aims of the new action programme since it is subordinated—without supporting legislation—to the party leader and not to the State. But either from personal conviction or as a tactical move before the congress, Mr Dubcek has warmly endorsed the continued existence of the militia. Mr Dubcek has also twice this week called for restraint in free speech in Prague. He now wants the police to moderate the open-air orators who have suddenly sprung into life.

Adopting Mr Dubcek’s

views, the party newspaper, “Rude Pravo,” today condemned those who sought to disrupt unity and breach public order by public criticism of political figures. Yet another indication of the strong currents swirling round Mr Dubcek was the continuing row this week over the recent dismissal of general Vaclav Prchlik for criticising the Warsaw pact and saying Soviet troops overstayed their welcome in Czechoslovakia.

The Prague press continues to print angry letters on the dismissal from the public, who say this is something they cannot understand or fairly judge, since they have not been told all the facts—one of the earliest promises made by the Dubcek regime. A fierce political struggle is now going on, and is further aggravated by the knowledge that a mistrustful and watchful Kremlin is ready to pounce at any false step. One of the most forceful arguments of the anti-Dubcek group is that if the pro-Mos-cow group is decimated, this will infuriate the Kremlin and bring on further pressures. For if Czechoslovakia is to implement its domestic reforms, in peace it must ensure quiet relations with Moscow.

Mr Dubcek is widely regarded as a'flexible man and a good political tactician, but his- apparent identification with some conservative policies has raised a question mark in the minds of Czechoslovak Intellectuals and writers. This week the Kremlin showed it is watching with hawks’ eyes every movement inside the country. The party daily, “Pravda,” printed an attack on several Czechoslovak newspapers, accusing them of violating the recent Bratislava agreement between Moscow and Prague. It also charged that antiSocialist -forces were still active in the country.