China’s Revolution

Press, Volume CVII, Issue 31421, 14 July 1967, Page 8

China’s Revolution

The problem of sorting out the “ guilty men ”, as China’s cultural revolution limps along, clearly continues to fill the minds of Mao Tse-tung and those closest to him. The revolution follows a tortuous course, and the end does not seem to be in sight. Last month the people were told by Chairman Mao that the present revolution was only the first, and that more would follow. The danger persisted, he said, that at any time “ capitalist restoration ” might become possible. “Do not think ”, Mao added, “ that “with one or two, or even three or four great “cultural revolutions, there would be peace, ana “ everything would be settled ”, The prospect must be dismaying for those who, looking at political schism on so vast a scale, are capable of assessing its consequences in terms of social and economic disruption.

It is apparent that the effects on the economy of the upheaval are already widespread. “ Anarchy ” in industry and agriculture has been officially condemned. Production, insists the “ People’s “Daily”, must not be sacrificed for the sake of the revolution. In February, the army was ordered to help production on farms. There have been frequent clashes between workers and Red Guards. In some factories work was halted altogether because workers were sent away “to exchange revolutionary “experiences”. Thousands of experienced managers were replaced by Red Guards or workers’ committees, to the detriment of the quality as well as the quantity of factory production. Most of the fighting between workers and Red Guards has taken place in the industrial centres. In May, for instance, the Peking News Agency spoke of “civil war” in a Shanghai coking plant The drift from the country to the towns had reached such proportions that in March a special appeal was issued from Peking, urging farm workers to concentrate on production, even if that meant co-operating with “ misguided elements At the beginning of this year the Maoists seemed to be winning the day against the so-called revisionists, except in certain provinces where the leadership was against Mao. Then new difficulties developed. The army became a reluctant participant in the suppression of risings. Indeed, only rarely did it come out wholly on the side of the Government Today, according to a special correspondent of “ The “ Times ”, the Maoist forces have no more power than they had six months ago. Only six provinces appear to have accepted some form of Maoist alliance; in 23 others confusion and disorder continue.

Scores of party officials have been named as opposing the regime. Ironically, President Liu Shaochi, second in the party hierarchy only to Mao himself, heads the list—but stays in office. His break with Mao dates back to April of last year; today he is described as the arch-revisionist Yet Mao cannot depose him. He has been prevented from acting as Head of State; but only the party congress can remove him from office. And Mao obviously mistrusts full party meetings, since there has not been a congress since 1958. The constitution provides that in an emergency, a two-thirds vote of the central committee would serve to expel a member. It is a measure of the division within the party that Mao cannot command such a vote. So Liu stays, in spite of the Maoist instruction to “ fire on the top party power“holder who is taking the capitalist road”. In the same way, the Foreign Minister, Chen Yi, stays, in spite of his bold assertion that not all those opposing Mao were to be classed as reactionaries, nor

all those supporting him as revolutionaries. The last chapter in the history of this phase of the revolution may not be written for many months, or even years. While the struggle for power continues China cannot realise its full potential, militarily or economically. This is not an encouraging prospect for either Communist or non-Communist countries; a schizophrenic is a danger to friends and foes alike.