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THE OFFICE OF PRIME MINISTER

The Elected Monarch. By F.[s W. G. Benemy. Harrap. I 286 pp. Bibliography and ] Index. i The British Constitution, so ’ all-pervasive yet so elusive, i ‘ has always exerted an almost mystic fascination for students of politics. To those who work ' within it as to those looking on, it presents an everchanging complex of innova- ' tions and precedents, written and unwritten. Its great strength has always been its' ability to change in the subt-| lest ways with the needs of; the times: while its ancient origins have acted as a guarantee of stability and continuity. F. W. G. Benemy has felt; the fascination of this Consti-j tution, and particularly that of the focal point of its powers and obligations, the office of Prime Minister. “The; Elected Monarch” is an attempt to trace the growth of the Prime Minister's power to the present time when, the author believes, it has come ; to dominate the political life of Britain. He says, rightly, that in the last decade par- i ticularly, national and international stresses have enhanced the office of Prime Minister in the eyes of the British people and the world so that today “a British Gene- : ral Election is becoming ; a characteristically obscure I form of presidential election.” ’ Rather than choosing a repre- j sentative for their own elec- < torate, or a party for the i House of Commons, voters are > called upon to decide between ] two party leaders, one of ; whom will become “P.M.”. 1 The most recent of the long ; line of commentators on the i Constitution. Mr Benemy has 1 not attempted to compete with scholarly works such as those i of Sir Ivor Jennings or Professor P. J. Mclntosh. But he i has drawn heavily on publish- ] ed material and quoted ex- 1 tensively, particularly from ; the memoirs and biographies I of former statesmen and poli- ; ticians. The result is an enter- i taining, if somewhat un- 1 critical account of the growth I of the importance of Cabinet j and Prime Minister in the ;

structure of government. Beginning with Lord Burghley’s close relationship with Queen Elizabeth I and ending with Mr Harold Wilson’s presentation of himself to the electors on the eve of the last General Election, it is a tale clearly and simply told, rich ;in illuminating anecdote and studded with the varied personalities who have held the j highest office in Britain. Particularly interesting is Mr Benemy’s analysis of events since 1940. He finds ' the Second World War hasteni ed the process of constitutional evolution. Winston Churchill, as Prime Minister of a nation at war. assumed powers which were dictatorial, even though they were ; quickly shed when the war was over. As Mr Benemy [says: “The meetings with President Roosevelt and Marshal Stalin were held in private. The three statesmen took decisions of far-reaching importance without consultation with their legislatures. The exercise of such power tends to become a constitutional habit.” As the pattern of “summit” meetings has continued to increase in importance the Prime Minister has tended to become a second Foreign Secretary, but one able to act without reference to any higher power. Sir Anthony Eden was able to order the invasion of the Suez Canal without consulting the Commons, without even discussing it with more than a handful of his Cabinet. This apparently irresponsible behaviour has been justified by appeal to the mandate which the Prime Minister can claim to have received from the people to do what he believes to be in the national interest. Sir Ivor Jennings once said that the main purpose of a British General Election was to provide the country with a strong central government: but if Mr Benemy’s findings are accepted the election now is held to produce a Prime Minister. Since the duels of Gladstone and Disraeli parties have become more and more personified in their

leaders in the eyes of the electorate. Mr Benemy finds this process has been greatly accelerated, first by the wartime popularity of Lloyd George and Churchill, and even more by the advent of mass communications, particularly television. The Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition “invade the average man’s living-room and stay just long enough to leave a lasting impression, good or bad, but nevertheless a permanent image.” Regular appearances have made them household figures. “Even the children will know their names and faces, their mannerisms and voices. They will be remembered, rather than their parties.” They offer voters something simple and direct to grasp. A contest between two men is something the voter can easily understand. It is almost a sporting event. This protess has elevated the winner into something new, the elected monarch, a demigod, though certainly not a demagogue. Increased personal power has brought with it ever greater demands on the man who fills the office. His authority is still ultimately derived from the consent of the electorate. At least every five years he must face the people for a renewed mandate. “The modern development of the Constitution has forced the Prime Minister and his Cabinet to share moral leadership with the Crown.”

In addition, the physical strain of the office has become enormous. “The Prime Minister is using up his energy steadily and inexorably. . . . Only a man of unusual stamina can stand the strain, and no man can probably bear it for more than five or six years nowadays without weakening;” “Mr Macmillan managed seven years before his health broke. Meanwhile the office continues to change. Each new personality at “No. 10” brings something new to the nation’s, and the Constitution’s, concept of Prime Minister. “The absence of Constitutional

laws that lay down strictly how the Prime Minister shall conduct the Government results in each Prime Minister adapting the office to his own ideas, and to some extent suiting his personal opinions to the office.” This is part of the drama which attaches to British politics far more than to the more flamboyant events which occur elsewhere. Something of that drama has found its way into this book.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19650424.2.54.1

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume CIV, Issue 30733, 24 April 1965, Page 4

Word Count
1,009

THE OFFICE OF PRIME MINISTER Press, Volume CIV, Issue 30733, 24 April 1965, Page 4

THE OFFICE OF PRIME MINISTER Press, Volume CIV, Issue 30733, 24 April 1965, Page 4

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