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INCITEMENT PREJUDICES THE THREE-POWER TALKS

MAURICE LATEY]

(By

GREECE AND CYPRUS

(From the United Kingdom Information Service)

At the end of this month representatives of Britain, Greece, and Turkey will meet in London to discuss “political and defence questions which affect the Eastern Mediterranean, including Cyprus.” These are questions in which all three Powers have a common interest: and Sir Anthony Eden suggested the discussion in order to prevent the agitation for enosis—union between Greece and Cyprus—from endangering the old friendship between Britain and Greece and the new alliance between Greece and Turkey. The Greek Government’s acceptance of this invitation seemed to indicate similar purposes; but the subsequent conduct of the Greek Government has inevitably raised doubts about this. Immediately after the British invitation to the conference at the end of June, Athens Radio stopped broadcasting incitements to violence in Cyprus: but a week later it resumed, stating that the conference was merely a trick to disarm resistance in Cyprus it is easier to impose order in Cyprus. “The Cypriots,” said one commentator on Athens Radio, “fight against the conquerors, against terrorism, against slavery. They fall for their liberty.” “Tne British Colonial Office, and Foreign Office, too,” said another commentator, "have studied Hitler’s methods, both the diplomatic and the police methods.” And in the case of Cyprus, they are applying both methods.” The commentator went on to speak of concentration camps, the possibility of the system of hostages, and mass executions. Appeals to Violence

All this inflammatory stuff, which is, of course, entirely imaginary and has nothing whatever to do with the facts can only be interpreted as incitement to violence by hot-heads in Cyprus; and it has had that effect. There has been bomb-throwing and threats to life and property. The Governor was compelled to introduce a law for the detention of suspected terrorists. A commentator on Athens Radio commented to the Cypriots: “You are arrested, you are tortured, you areheld in dungeons . . . The panic of the masters of Cyprus has brought to the beautiful Hellenic island the darkest terrorism of its history.”

In fact during the three weeks following the Governor’s detention law of July 15, there were 12 incidents of rioting, sabotage, and bomb-throw-ing. On August 10 a serious incident resulted in the murder of a Post Office official as well as in the general strike fostered by the Greek Orthodox leader in the island, Archbishop Makarios, which led to the destruction of Cypriot and British property and injury to policemen. During these three week there were 14 arrests and 13 suspected terrorists were detained under the detention law. The Greek people have experience of Hitler’s methods and can judge the nonsense talked by their radio. The question is: why does the Greek Government allow it? The British Government has protested, but the

incitement to violence continues. While denying responsibility for the broadcasts, the Greek Government has not hesitated to raise the Cyprus question before the United Nations ia a way that can only be prejudicial to the London talks.

The Greek Government brought the matter up last year, citing Article I of the Charter which speaks of "the principle of equal rights and selfdetermination of peoples.” Britain replied by citing Article II (7) of the Charter, which says: "Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorise the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State, or shall require the members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter.” Cyprus has been under British domestic jurisdiction for over three-quarters of a century and has never been under Greek jurisdiction. Not surprisingly, therefore, the United Nations last December decided by 50 votes to none, to adopt no resolution on the matter, a decision in which the Greek Government concurred. If it chooses to raise the matter again now on the eve of the London talks it can only be because it wishes these talks to fail or because it hopes to exercise pressure on the British Government. Wiser Counsels? It is hoped, however, that in the quiet of the conference room, far from the tumult and political pressure which the Greek Government has brought upon itself, wiser counsels will prevail. There is every reason why they should. Britain, Greece, and Turkey all have a vital interest in the security of the East Mediterranean. For this purpose a British base immune to the kind of pressures which rendered the Suei Canal base untenable is indispensible. One-fifth of the population of Cyprus is Turkish, and neither they nor the Turkish Government will tolerate their subjection to Greece. Of the Greek population, it is possible that a majority might prefer some form of union with Greece. But it is impossible to tell in the present disturbed state of affairs; and even if it is so, it does not justify an attempt by Greece to annex a territory that has never been hers. Britain has, in fact, in recent years offered the Cypriots two constitutions which would have paved the way to self-government; but they have been rejected by the champions of enosis. There is. then, in this dispute nothing to justify the breaking of old ties. “There is,” as Mr Macmillan put it in the House of Commons last month, “a long tradition of friendship between Greece and Great Britain. We have made very great efforts and sacrifices for the Greek People, which they thoroughly recognise. I am hopeful,” concluded the Foreign Secretary, “that a better situation may arise out of some settlement that may be reached at the conference which we have called.”

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19550830.2.92

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume XCII, Issue 27750, 30 August 1955, Page 10

Word Count
933

INCITEMENT PREJUDICES THE THREE-POWER TALKS Press, Volume XCII, Issue 27750, 30 August 1955, Page 10

INCITEMENT PREJUDICES THE THREE-POWER TALKS Press, Volume XCII, Issue 27750, 30 August 1955, Page 10

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