The Press MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1951. Native Territories In South Africa

Press, Volume LXXXVII, Issue 26528, 17 September 1951, Page 6

The Press MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1951. Native Territories In South Africa

The Secretary of State for Commonwealth Relations (Mr GordonWalker) has given the only possible ; reply to the renewed South African • agitation for the transfer of the three ’High Commissioner territories to the • Union—that the British Government 'will not transfer the territories without the consent of Parliament or without consultation with the African peoples concerned. It is easy enough to understand why the South African Prime Minister (Dr. Malan) insists that the position of these territories is untenable in an independent country like South Africa. Basutoland (which is a Crown colony, while the other two have the status only of protector-; ates) is enclosed by the Union; i Swaziland has a short frpntier with! Mozambique, but is otherwise I bounded by Union territory; 1 and Bechuanaland has the, Union on three sides and Southern Rhodesia on the fourth. j Economically as well as geographically, their interests lie with the Union. They look to the Union for markets, and the Union looks to them as a source of labour. This was recognised on the foundation of the Union in 1310; but the British Government had a moral obligation not to hand people over to another Government against their will. The previous year a deputation of Basuto chiefs had petitioned the King for exclusion from the proposed Union unless they were suitably safeguarded, and had been assured that they would “continue “ in the enjoyment of the privileges “ which they have hitherto pos“sessed”. The people of the three territories had already had experience of the Afrikaner outlook. They also knew of the foundation law of the Transvaal that there should be “no equality between the white and “ the coloured inhabitants, neither in “ Church nor in State ”, Nevertheless it was thought in 1910 that the i territories woilld be incorporated in ; the Union in a few years. Progress i ip this direction was not as fast as ' was expected, but shortly before the ! last war Dr. Hertzog and the then ; British Colonial Secretary (Mr J. H. Thomas) agreed that the efforts of both the Union and South African Governments should, in the words of Dr. Malan, “be directed towards “ bringing about a situation in which “the transfer of the protectorates “ could be effected with the consent “of the protectorates”. According to General Smuts Britain and South Africa had reached “agreement on “all main points” for the transfer in 1939. The war Intervened, and afterwards, before General Smuts could complete negotiations, his Government was defeated by Dr. Malan’s party. Dr. Malan’s republican and apartheid policies have, .put the matter back where it was 40 years ago. The 1,000,000 Africans ; in the three territories follow the lead given by their chiefs and are probably not very directly concerned yet about the difference between British Colonial policy and South African policy. Thousands of them migrate to the union, and in one tribe, living partly in Bechuanaland and partly in the Union, one section ! seems as contented as the other. The African leaders, however, are ' more politically conscious. Many Africans, too, have a rooted belief that the King will protect them; and, though they might risk ’ Afrikaner Government in a Dominion, they would fear it in a republic. : On the whole the 7000 white residents were inclined to favour i incorporation in the Union until Dr, Malan assumed office. The change in their attitude has been shown by the decisions of the European Advisory Council in Bechuanaland, which used frequently to agitate for transfer to the Union but has now repudiated this attitude several times and voted for federation with the Rhodesias. Thus politics work against geography and economics. It is one of the sharp edges created by Dr. Malan’s Government; and it will not be easily smoothed over.