The Press FRIDAY, JUNE 1, 1945. The Levant Brazilian Elections

Press, Volume LXXXI, Issue 24581, 1 June 1945, Page 4

The Press FRIDAY, JUNE 1, 1945. The Levant

Brazilian Elections

France’s quarrel with the Levant States has gone from words to blows. In Syria, with its predominantly Arab population, a trial of armed strength has begun. Reports received by the British Government indicate that French artillery has caused serious loss of life and destruction of property in Damascus, and that serious disorders have also broken out in Aleppo, Homs, and Hama. So far, tempers in the Lebanon have been held in check. Arab nationalism there is not so intense as in Syria, and the Maronite majority has a very, real religious bond with France; but it is ominous that the Lebanese President has called for volunteers for the National Guard. The turn of events is not surprising. The French demands had, according to the Syrian and Lebanese Ministers in London, become more exacting. M. Bidault’g statement to the French Cabinet set out, they were reported yesterday to say, demands of which nothing had been heard before. But, if the French attitude had hardened, so had that of the Levant States. They had, since the negotiations were broken off, been assured of the support of the Arab League, which is to meet on Monday to consider the situation. The league’s SecretaryGeneral had already described the cause of the Levant' Governments as “ rightful ”, and he was “ confident “ that they will "ecey/e the assist- " ance they are seeking—that it wil} “ come from the whole Arab nation, “ kings, governments, emirs, and “ peoples alike ”, Azzam Bey cannot be thought over-confident. Since the war receded from the Middle East, the Arab world has begun to realise one of its fondest dreams —to revive a state of unity such as existed till 700 years ago under the Omayyad Caliphs of Damascus and the Abbasid Caliphs of Bagdad. The framework of such a unity has at last been created, in the establishment three months ago of the Arab League. But that framework, so laboriously built, would be dealt a shattering blow if the Levant States were to be deserted by the other member States. Moreover, treaty revision immediately concerns Egypt, the chief architect of the league; for either party to 1 the Bri-tish-Egyptian - Treaty of 1936 can demand revision after December of next year, and successive Prime Ministers of Egypt have indicated that, in their opinion, the original military clauses are no longer either justified or compatible with Egyptian sovereignty. The outcome in the Levant will have ap importantbearing on Egypt’s case; and it need scarcely be said that Egypt will want to see a solution in the Levant that strengthens her own revisionist claims. Yet there are equally strong reasons to expect France to stand firm. It is, as the Paris correspondent of the “ Manchester “Guardian” observed in an article reprinted on this page on Wednesday, of the greatest importance to her that she should lose as little face as possible in leaving Syria. A writer for the “ Observer ” has elaborated the same point in these words: The new and critical attitude in the Syrians and Lebanese places France In a dilemma. She cannot regain their favour without changing her methods. But she cannot change her methods without creating difficulty for herself in French North Africa. The tdle would travel to Tunisia and onwards via the soundinz-box of Islam; and in those vast territories she is not yet ready to hand over so much. To reconcile this clash of interests has now become even more perplexing. But the task is desperately urgent, so urgent that some speakers in the Commons debate have called for Britain’s armed intervention. Even that, however, can be only a limited solution and, bar one, the worst possible solution. If Britain is to retain Arab friendship and French friendship, both of which she recognises are essential, a more imaginative approach will be needed.

The signing of an election decree was an historic event in Rio de Janeiro this week. President Vargas has for many iftonths promised Brazil free elections for the Presidency and Congress, In March he repeated the promise and backed it with an account of his Cabinet’s recommendations for a revised constitution and electoral code. He also gave the Brazilian press more freedom of expression than it had enjoyed for a long time. Yet many Brazilians remained incredulous. Now he has fixed December 2 as election day, with State elections to be held six months later. Dr. Vargas has been paramount in Brazil for almost 15 years. In March, 1930, he was a candidate in the presidential election. He was not, however, the “ official ” candidate: and “official" candidates are those in whose favour the voting returns are traditionally, manipulated. But instead of accepting defeat, Dr. Vargas enlisted the support of disgruntled politicians and promised electoral reform if the country would back a revolution. Prominent army leaders took a hand and, rightly assessing the strength of popular feeling against the old political processes, saw to it that the reigning President was deposed and the “popular” candidate substituted for the President- “ elect ”. A curious brand of electoral reform emerged. The constitution was abrogated and a dictatorship set up But in 1933, after the Sao Paulo revolt, Dr. Vargas summoned a constituent assembly, which evolved a new constitution; and in 1934 he was elected President. This constitution, however, called for another presidential election in January, 1933, and stipulated that no president was eligible for reelection. No election was heldPresident Vargas abolished that constitution in November, 1937, and I imposed another of his own making,

which extended indefinitely his term or office. That term may or may not be about to end. President Vargas has avoided saying whether he will stand or not stand. Nor is it yet certain that the democracy Brazil is offered will be a purer brand than that of most of the Latin-American States, In Brazil and in most other Latin-American countries literacy laws, costly registration, and many other barriers stand between the citizen and the ballot box. (In 1930 only 1,800,000 of Brazil’s 43,000,000 people cast votes.) The re-election of President Vargas, or his nominee, need not be a depressing answer. But the clearest and most heartening answer would be the election of a critic of the Vargas regime. It will be interesting to see if General Gomez, for instance, consents to stand.