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WHEN THE FUTURE HUNG ON BELGRADE

BALKAN STRUGGLE

At noon on Tuesday, March 25, Jugoslavia pledged her co-operation m the “new European order” under German leadership. Within three days she had disavowed this act of obeisance, and within seven more days she was at war with Germany. Between March 25 and April 5 the diplomatic forces of the world converged on Belgrade. The story of those 11- fateful days can be told in part from 1 the dispatches of special correspondents, printed mainly in Australian newspapers. What did Tsvetkovic and M. CmcarMarkovic sign?

, The Pact The Belgrade correspondent of ‘“The Times” said on March 25 that the German offer to Jugoslavia was divided into two parts, each of which contained four clauses. Only the first part would be revealed. The second part contained “secret” clauses. “The first part,” the correspondent said, “is made up of the following stipulations:— “(A) Jugoslavia adheres to the -tripartite Pact, but the obligations of the full Tripartite Pact do not apply to Jugoslavia. . ~ “(2) Jugoslavia receives frontier territorial guarantees. _ . ... “(3) All signatories to the Tripartite Pact automatically assume a guarantee to respect, these frontiers. Similarly, Jugoslav territory remains inviolable to the signatories’, armies. “(4) Jugoslavia Is freed'from the obligations of the military clauses of the Tripartite Pact demanding common military action.” , The cladses of the .second part were. “(1) After the .war, and in accordance with the principles of the New Europe,” account will'be taken of Jugoslavia’s Aegean aspirations. “(2) Jugoslavia is obliged to allow the passage of war materials, and hospital supplies via the main north-to-south railway without control or runFrance ■ \ “(3) Jugoslavia to check all antiAxis activity, ' • . , “(4) Jugoslavia’s economy to. be brought into harmony with the Reich s economic system." x ■. .._ The correspondent added: These clauses are- considered by Greece as contrary to her national interests, and as' giving military assistance to her enemies. ’ The Greeks are afraid that the Italians ’will be enabled to rem-i force their Albanian front without using the Adriatic,” Jugoslavia’s Aim

Dr. Tsvetkovic, after signing the protocol, said: ‘,‘The cfiief, almost the only aim of the foreign policy of Jugoslavia was and remains the maintenance of peace for her people and the safeguarding of their security. Jugoslavia’s interests and development demand that south-east Europe should be preserved from an extension of the war, and that her economic position, which is being injured by the present situation, should be strengthened by economic co-operation throughout the Continent Of Europe.” What did the world think of Jugoslavia? , ... The Turkish press declared that Jugoslavia was courting serfdom and dismemberment. The Greek Press Minister issued a statement declaring: “The Greeks do not believe that it can possibly be true that Jugoslavia is about to sign an agreement permitting the passage of German war material. The Greeks believe that sound judgment will prevail, “Permission for the passage' of arms would be.an act inimical to Greece. ’ It would mean that the Jugoslavian railways would carry bombs with which the enemy would kill Greek women and children. We believe that neither the brave Serb, people nor the Army will tolerate such an act, which would stab Greece in the back.”

The possibility of Jugoslavia’s capitulation has always been so real that officers of the British General Staff were believed to have based their strategy in the Near East on that eventuality.- Further, the Independence Day message to Greece by the Prime Minister, Mr Churchill, was sent when Jugoslavia’s decision was apparent, and the message clearly indicated Britain’s determination to back up the Greeks whatever happened. , .. The “Daily Telegraph” in a leading article said.' "Jugoslavia has been delivered by a timid and temporising Government gagged and bound to the Nazi despoiler. Germany does npt demand the right to pass troops through the country, but assuredly she is open to accept a voluntary invitation to do so. From the egregious flummery a single certainty arises; Germany has got the inch she needed to grab a mile." .... . . , The “News-Chronicle stated: “There is a great deal of wishful thinking about the unofficial Jugoslav resistance, but there are no signs of a coup which would leave the army united against, Germany. The most hopeful feature in the Balkans is the Russo-Turkish declaration, which, it is considered, guarantees that the Germans. if they reach Salonika, will be unable to turn eastward and seize the Dardanelles, whiph alone would make the expedition profitable.”

Washington Doubts Washington had its doubts about the sincerity of German intentions not to march troops in-Jugoslavia. Despite those elements among Jugoslavs who had fought even a modified pact, and threatened violence against its execp-

tion, it was generally believed that any > revolts would be swiftly and bloodily extinguished. In fact, any riot-", ing by Serbs undoubtedly would b,e ' seized upon by Hitler to gain a further advantage. . , It was known that the United States put its fingers deeply into the "Balkan pie" in an effort to keep Hitler away. ■ It was routine for the State Department to minimise this, accord- , ing to Mr Arthur Krock, who writes. for the “New York Times,” but the United States had entered the diplomatic struggles throughout the world upon the passage of the Lea? Lend Act. Hence the efforts of States in the Balkans were natural consequence of the act, as many believe convoying of supplies to Britain must be. The United States Under-Secretary of State, Mr Sumner Welles, expressed the United States Government’s satisfaction that Soviet Russia had given a new declaration of friendship to pro- ; British Turkey. Mr Welles indicated that the United States had taken active diplomatic measures in an effort to persuade Jugoslavia to resist the Axis demands. Quite as important as Washingtons reactions, and possibly more significant were those of Moscow. The conclusion of an understanding between Russia and Turkey was announced on March 25, the same day as Jugoslav , delegates signed on the dotted line in Vienna. This prompted every foreign correspondent m Europe to speculate on Soviet policy. The London correspondent of the “Sydney Morning Herald” wrote:— ‘ Policy of Moscow

“Soviet diplomacy, particularly since the German occupation of Bui- ; garia, has been encouraging Jugoslavia and Turkish resistance to the German advance in the Balkans. The An-: kara correspondent of ‘The Times’ says that Soviet assurances are not rat£d very high, but that Turkey may J*el that her flanks are now cleared of a potential menace, which has impiased a restraint on diplomatic and military action, as a sequel to the German Invasion of the Balkans. It is assumed that the Soviet assurances cover'the Turkish defence of ‘spheres of security,’ such as Salonika. Otherwise, the assurances would be of more value to Germany than to Turkey. The Soviet’s professed policy has been to .preserve the Balkans' peace. . “The significant fact is that Moscow is in agreement with Britain and Turkey that peace in . the Balkans depends on keeping Germany out. -When the Germans entered Rumania, Moscow merely complained that this bad not Russian consent. Later Moscow, was bold enough to express .disap- . proval of the German occupation of Bulgaria. Now, because Germauy.is within striking distance of the straits, Moscow may take up a position against the German advance, or give Turkey carte blanche to take any action against Germany considered necessary for her defence. . The Soviet Government undoubtedly is becoming ; alarmed at the German expansion, but prefers to see others resisting before herself passing from words to action. “There is no confirmation of a report that Russia since. March I flas banned the export of oil to Germany. It is recognised that such a move would be highly important, and .one which Germany would seek to mae.

Diplomatic Defeat The Ankara correspondent of “The Times” said: ‘‘The Soviet has publicly taken up a diplomatic position against Germany, which is the only country' likely to attack Turkey. It is believed that the Soviet considers that Germany . is seeking access to the Ukraine wheg- <■ fields and the Caucasian oilfields, thus enabling her to continue the struggle , against Britain and the United States, , Therefore it is vital to the Soviet that,,-;, the German effort to isolate Russia by .r seizing the Straits should be resisted. In the darkness of •. ing (March 27), while the couht 's) >■ still reeling under the degradati • the Government’s submission to uerv- , many, Jugoslavia was electrified by ■ ■ the boy-King’s proclamation that was taking over Royal power and that--l the most trusted soldier m the land, *, General Dusan-Sim'ovic, was formings, g. new Government to replace the ap- ; • peasers. . .. , In the last week of peace that re* mained to Jugoslavia events followed. quickly. Mr Churchill and President = Roosevelt promised British and American assistance. This was no idle pro- •• mise, for by then British troops bad ; been in Greece- for nearly a month* The German radio announced ye»terday that British staff officers armed in Belgrade three days ago. It seems , probable that American , shipping wffl shortly be seen in the Red supplying the Allies in the eastern Mediterranean with war materials. Only two hours before German bombers opened the attack on Belgrade, a pact of friendship was initialled by Russia .* and Jugoslavia. Even if the indefensible parts of Jugoslavia are overrun in the next few days, Germany has lost the first round. She has been made to . fight for something she nearly won by a bloodless victory, and the diplomatic . gulf between Germany and Russia and the United States has yawned notice-, ably.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19410408.2.36

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume LXXVII, Issue 23299, 8 April 1941, Page 6

Word Count
1,565

WHEN THE FUTURE HUNG ON BELGRADE Press, Volume LXXVII, Issue 23299, 8 April 1941, Page 6

WHEN THE FUTURE HUNG ON BELGRADE Press, Volume LXXVII, Issue 23299, 8 April 1941, Page 6

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