STALEMATE IN INDIA

Press, Volume LXXVI, Issue 22936, 5 February 1940, Page 6

STALEMATE IN INDIA

Move for Constitutional Change CONGRESS IN A DILEMMA (SFEGIALLY WRITTEN FOR THE PRESS.) [fly NAHAIR JOG! DOME AY, January 1. The declaration of hostilities on September 3, 1939, ushered a dramatic Week in Indian politics. The Viceroy lest no time in getting into touch With Mahatma, Gandhi. Jawaharlal Nehru, who was enjoying the hospitality of Marshal dhiang Kai-shek in Chungking, made a dash for home. Political life was suddenly What attitude would Gandhi take? Would he drive a hard bargain with Eritain for India’s help in war? Would he follow the classic dictum that DHtain’s difficulty is India’s opportunity? How would he equate participation an war with his philosophy of non-violence, which goes much deeper than the cult of pacifism? And above all, what policy would the Indian National Congress adept? We were not long left in suspense. The Mahatma proffered his unconditional sympathies to the Allies. “Of what worth is India’s deliverance to me, if it is accompanied by the fall Of Britain and France, or the ruins of Germany either?” he asked his astonished countrymen after returning from the Viceroy’s house. Jawaharlal Nehru, too, on landing in India, disclaimed any intention of embarrassing Britain. Attitude of the Radicals While those statements were hailed' with satisfaction both in Britain and in India, it cannot be gainsaid that they considerably angered the radicals in this country, who have been straining at the leash for more than a year. “Gandhi has Sold the pass!” was the bitter comment 1 heard from one of them. A mild consternation was caused even among conscientious Congressmen, who Wondered what was to happen to the anti-war resolution which they were religiously affirming from year to year. The Working Committee of the Indian National Congress (sometime" facetiously called the High Command) Was thus faced with a Very Unenviable task when it met at Wardha in the second week of September. On the one hand it had to remain true to its past anti-war professions; on the other hand was the compelling recognition that it was the very existence of democracy which was at stake in Europe, Opposition would be suicidal, but was co-operation at all possible on an honourable bcisis? In effect, the long resolution of the Working Committee, drafted by Nehru and endorsed by Gandhi (who it must be noted is not a member of the committee) asked this very question of the British Government. It would not be amiss to quote here the germinal part of the resolution! „ The Working Committee, therefore (says the resolution), invite the British Government to declare in unequivocal terms what their war aims are in Democracy and Imperialism and the New Order that is envisaged; in particular how those aims are going to apply to India and to be given effect to in the present. In many quarters the Congress has been criticised c or the stand it took at Wardha. But in justice it must be admitted that in view of its past commitments and oft-repeated principles, -there was no other alternative. How could India associate herself in the war, said to be for democratic freedom, asked the committee with a devastating logic, when that very freedom is denied to her and such limited freedom as she possessed taken away from her by the ordinances promulgated by the Viceroy immediately after the declaration of war? Demand for War Alma The British Government was fairly caught on the horns of a dilemma. It Could certainly not dismiss such a demand out of court. But then an elucidation of his war alms was obviously a very tall order on John Bull. And thus began the spate of interviews and conferences in which Lord Linlithgow was engaged for the best part of a month, It was an extremely astute move of the Viceroy, to call people of all sorts of persuasions, principles, and parties to ventilate before him their war aims as a counter-reply to stating his own,, It was all right for the Congress to pass along resolution and challenge the British Raj; but What about the others, the Princes, the Zamindarfi, the linorities, who have always been very good friends of the Raj and looked to it for protection? ' Just about this time Gandhi in one Of the numerous statements he has issued during the last four months claimed a representative capacity for the Congress attitude. The Congress demand, he said, was backed by the nation. There was really nothing novel in such a claim. It had been put forth time and again and just then it was not at all unjustified considering that the' Congress was governing eight out of the 11 Indian provinces. Trouble for the Congress Somehow, however, it proved a red rag to a number of very offended bulls. Telegrams poured forth in the Viceregal house at Delhi violently denouncing the Congress. “The Congress does Aot represent us, . went up the chorus. “Do not forsake us t < its tender mercies,” formed the refrain. The Muslim League accused the Congress of being a Hindu body. The Hindu Maha Sabha condemned it for its pro-Muslim tendencies. The depressed classes said that it was dominated by the highir castes, While the big landlords dubbed it as a proletariat organisation. The moderates averred that it had gone Fascist! If the Viceroy’s work was cut out for him, the very ground was cut from under the feet of the Congress leaders. The former did make an earnest attempt to placate the latter. He offer- d them a popular consultative committee to be associated with the Central Government for the prosecution of,war; which some said Would serve as the nucleus of a future popular federal Cabinet, He appealed to them in the name Of democracy to continue their good work in the provincial governments. He even promised them that steps would be taken after the war to ’dfevise a constitution more in keeping with the aspirations of the people than the federal part el the Government of India Act, 1939) Which Was suspended sihe die. It Was noW the Congress which Was on the horns of a dilemma. Its hopes that, faced with the totalitarian menace in Europe, Britain would be induced to make a -big-heartea gesture in India Were dashed to the ground. Oft the other hand, the logical reply to this rebuff —the starting of a civil disobedience campaign lor the winftifig. of iftdiaft independence—was checkmated by the Frankenstein of civil strife. The only dignified step it could take in the circumstances was to • call upon its provincial xabineis to resign, At any rate the Congress CoUld expose the sham of the new constitution, Which it Weht to break and stayed to work for 30 months. And now suddenly the hour of disillusionment had dawned, which was good for them as well as for the nation, Ohe by one all the eight ministries resigned, compelling the Governors to notify that the constitution adumbrated by the ! Government of India Act, 1935, stood suspended. An alternative government has been possible only in otte minor province and that, too, by the doubtful expedient of not yet .calling the legislature. The Congress tried to march to the goal of freedom in one step, The result has been that the Country has Stepped back half a century. To-day an the power in seven out of eleven provinces is centred in the hands of the Governors. - , . . - In another way, . toe, the Situation Has Worsened considerably during the last four months. The resigrtationjof .the Congress ministries has.been accompanied by an acceleration of communal SqUabbles. The Muslim League celebrated the disappearance of the congress governments as a Day of Deliverance, As a counter-offensive, the Hindu Maha, Sabha. haS raised the flag Of a purely HiiidU Raj.for Hinahsthan in its Christmas session at Calcutta, Ahd so India stands oh the threshold of the New Year, the hands of her political elbck set back 50 years and her communal acerbities quickened, lioking before and after and, perplexed, asking herself the question—Quo vadis? Four hundred million people are awaiting the answer^