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BRITISH STAND DEBATED IN COMMONS

Generally Approved

(CWTEU PRESS IS 30 Cl AT lOK COPYRIGHT.) CattlTISH OITICIAL WIRELESS.) (Received April 4, 10 p.m.) RUGBY, April 3. 1 Speaking in the debate in the House of Commons, the Prime Minister (Mr Chamberlain) expressed the view that its results would be to show the world that the whole House was fundamentally generally unanimous in its approval of the declaration which he made on Friday, and united and determined to take whatever measures might be necessary to render the declaration effective.

The opening speech by Mr Arthur Greenwood (Labour), and the subsequent course of the debate, fully justified the Prime Minister’s claim.

Mr Chamberlain went on. to approve the description which had been applied to his statement on Friday as “a cover note issued in advance of a complete insurance policy.” , That statement, he agreed, constituted a new and; tremendous departure in British foreign policy—in addition to those carefully limited and defined commitments which had been publicly formulated for Britain by Mr R. A. Eden in his famous Leamington speech.

' Mr Chamberlain said Friday’s statement should have clear beyond misunderstanding that it was not concerned with minor little frontier incidents. It was concerned with the big things

tastic to suggest that measures which the neighbouring countries felt compelled to take in self-de-fence constituted encirclement.

The Prime Minister concluded, among loud repeated cheers; “I believe that this nation is now united, not only in approval of what we have said, but in approval of the aim and purpose which lie behind it. I believe that the whole Empire shares in that approval. “The members .of the 'British Commonwealth beyond the seas have hitherto watched our efforts for peace with the fervent hope that they might be successful. All of them have had a growing consciousness that we cannot live for ever h- the atmosphere of surprise and alarm from which has suffered in recent months. The common business of life cannot be carried on in a state of uncertainty.

that lay behind—with the independence of Poland, which; if it were

threatened, the Polish people would defend, and in that case his state.ymt meant that Britain and France immediately come to Poland’s ®Crtance.

Mr Chamberlain recalled how,, in a broadcast to the nation in the anxious hours of the evening of September 27. he said: “I am myself a mah of peace to the depth of my aoujT Armed conflict between'the nations is a nightmare to me, but if 1 were convinced that any nation had. made up its mind to dominate the world by the fear of its force, I should feel that it must be resisted. Under such domination, life for the people who believe in liberty would not be worth living.” At that time, said the Prime Min-

“So far as it has been possible foi His Majesty’s Government to help to restore confidence by plain words we have done our part, and in doing so I feel certain that we have expressed the will of this people. “I trust that our action, begun but not concluded, will'prove to be the turning point, not towards war, which wins nothing, cures nothing, and ends 'nothing, but towards some more wholesome era when reason will take the place of force, and threats will make way for cool and well-marslialled argument,” said Mr Chaniberlain. Labour’s Approval The Deputy-Leader of the Opposition (Mr Arthur Greenwood) said he believed that before the House rose that night it would be clear to the world that there was a universal determination among the British people to co-operate with other nations in establishing a formidable and insurmountable barrier against future aggression. In bringing the approval of the Labour Party to the Pripie Minister’s declaration on Friday, he said he hoped that the limited agreement it signified would grow into a much more broadly based scheme of mutual protection and insurance. So far as the Government worked on these lines, it would have the Labour Party’s support. If it departed from this task, it would meet with Labour hostility. The Leader of the Liberal Party (Sir Archibald Sinclair) said that on the main issue raised by Mr Chamberlain on Friday the Liberals Would, of course, support the policy they had so long advocated of gathering together the friends of peace and order in Europe, in resistance to aggression. Sir Archibald Sinclair said that the interim guarantee to Poland was an indispensable instalment of the Government’s object, less to ensure victory than to prevent war, which was possible only by building up ar invincible. resistance to aggression and making it clear that Herr Hitler would face war on two fronts if he attacked his neighbours. Anyone hearing Mr Chamberlain to-day would not doubt the sincerity of the new policy. Sir Archibald Sinclair, • however, criticised Mr Chamberlain’s refererce last Friday to negotiations, declaring that it was calculated to revive the suspicious memories of the Runciman mission. He added that the concession of Danzig and the Corridor, without a guarantee, would givq Germany a stranglehold on Poland with political and economic independence similar to that of Czechoslovakia.

Ister, he did not feel that the claims

on Czechoslovakia necessarily in- , yolved the assumption of Germany’s intention to dominate the world, and he felt that he could not ask the

country to accept new commitments for anything less. Again, at the tirpe of Mr Roosevelt’s New Year mes-

sage, he had said that a challenge pl the kind mentioned by Mr Roosevelt—a demand to dominate one by one the other nations—must, if it Were made, be resisted. ! Breach of Assurances

Mr Chamberlain then explained to the House how a breach of the Assurances given to him personally by Herr Hitler had completely destroyed confidence and compelled a revision of the British attitude. Recent events had profoundly shocked «nd alarmed the whole world and touted Britain from end to end in the conviction that it was necessary now to make the British position Clear and unmistakeable. whatever might be the result. * “No one can regret "more than I dp the necessity to have to speak «uch words,” said the Prime MinJfter. “I am no more a man of war to-day than I was in September. I have no intention and no desire to •teat the great German people otherwise than as I would have our ®wn people treated. I was looking forward with strong hopes to the rwult of those trade discussions which had already begun in Germany, and which might have benefited both our countries, and many other countries besides. But confidence has been shaken, and is not easily repaired.” If Germany were really engaged ®fi an attempt to dominate the world b y towe, the matter could not rest. J 5 Mr Greenwood had rightly said, where it stood to-day. Recent happenings had made every State adjacent to Germany unhappy, anxious, and uncertain. He did not wish “J specify now What other Governthe British Government ht now or in the near future de - ♦ki’ ,1° P onsu lt. but in reference to jnc Soviet Government, he desired it clear that Britain would wpicome the co-operation of any t»[ Un x ' whatever its internal sysRressS ® overnrn ® * n resisting ag-

Relations with Turkey

TaJj? an °ther passage Mr Chamberrepudiated the suggestion that ne Government wished to encircle r!®P nan y- In no official German latement. so far as he knew, had hv to dominate the world •JT *°rce even been formulated. • , the r e bad been plenty of talk and writing in that n Was Possible that this a misunderstanding. If the, p° ver nment .had never of hegemony so much the jbat case any agreements the independence which appeared to be »«vatened would never need to into operation. — Threat to Germany’' •JSj^ ver the outcome of the con■Miationa now taking place he could ,Eri 1 su rance that the decisions Would contain no threat to jwuiany so long as Germany would ■ • 00 ® neighbour. It was fan- * ' '

Alliance Against Aggression

Mr Winston Churchill gave complete support to Mr Chamberlain, ard commended him on having made plain that there was no intention to follow a policy of encirclement. Mr Churchill said it was wonderful that Britain had finally declared very clearly that the defence of European freedom and the reign of law was a cause for which Britain would dare all. Having begun to create an alliance against aggression, she must carry on. the policy for the lasting success of it v He welcomed the, repudiation of attempts to whittle down the guarantee.

i Referring to British defence,- he said that if Britain wished success for voluntary effort it should make it clear that universal service would

Mr Chamberlain’s Declaration - *

“NEW AND TREMENDOUS DEPARTURE IN FOREIGN POLICY”

be proclaimed immediately war broke out. He added that other countries were seeking no security for themselves which they did not desire Germany to enjoy as well. He presumed that all engagements into which they were entering or would enter would be in harmony in the letter and spirit of the Covenant of the League of Nations, because the Covenant contemplated not only mutual protection .but the settlement of legitimate grievances by sincere negotiations. In accordance with the principle enshrined in the Covenant he had always advocated, and still advocated, that the same guarantees should be open to Germany on the same conditions of observing the law of nations as were offered to- other States,

'Mr D. Lloyd George also congratulated the Government on what he claimed was a reversion of the policy on which it had won the last General Election. The Prime Minister’s declaration, he said, opened a new chapter in history, not merely for Britain, but for the nations of the world. It was a startling commitment, the consequences of which could not be foreseen. The Soviet’s entry into an alliance was a military matter of first importance. The Government was proceeding on four dubious assumptions: (1) that Signor Mussolini would desert the axis —but Signor Mussolini would hot be unfaithful, and would act when France engaged Germany; (2) that General Franco would betray his allies: (3) that the Mediterranean would be open to Britain as in the Great War; (4) that Russia would join in if Britain went to war against Germany. Without Russia she would be walking into a trap Why, before a committal to, this tremendous enterprise,, did not Britain ensure that Russia would be with her? Russia was not brought in because of Poland’s feelings. It was for Britain to declare the terms on which she was prepared to assist Poland.

After examining the practical implications of the new policy and urging' the necessity on strategic Of securing the firm adherence of the Soviet, Mr Lloyd George said the Prime Minister had said the freedom: of the world was at stake. There was no country which had made greater sacrifices or displayed greater heroism in the fight for human freedom and imornational right than Britain. “I am convinced,” he added, “that when the Prime Minister makes the call, as he has done, for Britain to renew its old achievements, Britain and her Empire will display such power, , such valour, and ’ such irresistible might that no enemy can stand in her way.” i

Mr R. A. Eden .commented on the importance in present circumstances of the close, friendlv relations which now existed with Turkey, anid like Mr Lloyd George, emphasised the importance of collaborating with Russia. ■ He said the essential value of the British policy was the determent factor. The declaration had united Britain in support of the Government’s foreign policy, a result which was immensely valuable in negotiations. He addnd: 'T believe the Government will pursue that policy with firmness -and determination, with the wish- to do what lies in our power to bring it to a successful conclusion; and ’ thus avoid • that calamity which seems to be approaching‘nearer with every month that passes.” The .Chancellor, of the Exchequer (Sir John Simon), winding up the debate, said the unanimity with which the House of "Commons had accepted and approved Mr Chamberlain’s statement was outstanding. The country was'tnore united in taking ' this ‘Stand than oh any other contemporary question of policy. It was a tremendous fact which there would be occasion to remember hereafter. It proclaimed a definite course of action if the need arose. There could be no looking back from the' decision. It. was a verv serious commitment, because it did not merelv threaten the possibility of war, but bound Britain in certain ev«nfs to undertake war. The Government was aware that more than an interim declaration was required. Whatever commitments were undertaken must not be vague and unspecified, but must be precise and defined. Neither con-

venience and comfort, money and wealth, nor insular tradition and practice could be put in the scales against what was necessary now. Britain’s whole potential strength would be thrown into essential work. Strength must be used if occasion arose, but, above all, every conceivable effort should be made for an organisation to broaden and make surer the basis of peace. Taking up references during the debate to the leading article in “The Times” on Saturday and ' a message circulated by a news agency from London, which were alleged to have had the effect of minimising the import of the Prime Minister’s words. Sir John Simon said the statement was perfectly clear and could hardly be misinterpreted. “It is to be understood.” he said, “in the fullest sense it bears, and it is hardly necessary to add that I myself and the whole Government associate our selves with the assurance’ as, expounded by Mr'. Chamberlain. * No one. either at the Foreign Office or on behalf of. the Government, authorised anv comment , qualifying the effect of the statement, and such comment was made entirely on the responsibility of the newspaper, and the agency concerned., and. was. ab-. solutely unofficial.”

Sir John Simon claimed that the known devotion of the Prime Minister to peace invested Friday’s declaration with peculiar force. “The man who had beep prepared to go fat-thest in giving credit to Herr Hitler’s intentions ” he said., “is the ■nan who, compelled Kv events, was giving the lead in the , country’s united stand against aggression. If peace is "Secured." Tt will be by the action of the united House of Commons which helped to secure it."

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19390405.2.80

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume LXXV, Issue 22678, 5 April 1939, Page 11

Word Count
2,398

BRITISH STAND DEBATED IN COMMONS Press, Volume LXXV, Issue 22678, 5 April 1939, Page 11

BRITISH STAND DEBATED IN COMMONS Press, Volume LXXV, Issue 22678, 5 April 1939, Page 11

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