IRELAND TO-DAY

Press, Volume LXXIV, Issue 22319, 5 February 1938, Page 14

IRELAND TO-DAY

THE PARTITION QUESTION FACTORS MAKING FOR UNITY (incuui imrrrmx to* tm t**h.) [By A. H, ACHESON] I went to Ireland thinking that discussion on the partition question was more or less academic. The Ireland I had known was irreconcilable on such a question. The North had a stern policy of “No surrender.” The South had for a century found some satisfaction in political oratory about nationalist visions. I found the question was very much in the arena of practical politics. It was discussed frequently as a live issue. The North still remained immovable, but they had a policy to oppose. The South had seen some of their ideals come to earth and so had a practical policy to advance. It is frequently stated that the Irish question is really a religious question. This is only partly true. It is also a political and economic, psychological, geographical, and historical question. All these factors are inextricably interwoven. It is impossible to unravel them or assess their true individual right. But all play their part in confusing the problem. In the Irish Free State, the religious question has fallen into the background. It plays a . very much smaller part in affairs than it did. The Protestants amount to only about 7 per cent, of the population and can no longer be regarded as “The Garrison.” They are taking their part. as good citizens in the new Ireland and the younger generation are growing up determined to forget the bitterness and antagonisms of the past. In the North, on the other hand, the religious test, though not the whole truth, is a good rough and ready test. It is easy to define. It is unfortunately also easy to inflame partisanship when religious principles are involved. A Summary Taking this line of approach, the question of a United Ireland may be summarised thus. The South are anxious for it. This desire is pretty well unanimous (even the old Southern Unionists would welcome a status quo ante-1921!) The North are sharply divided on the question. So then to estimate the chances of “reintegration” (to use an expression from the new Constitution of Eire) it is necessary to study the position in the North. In the “Six Counties” the Roman Catholic population numbers onethird. This section of the community is growing stronger both numerically and strategically every year. A friend told me, on the authority of a high official in the Northern Government, that in 20 years the Roman Catholics would be in a majority if they maintained the present rate of increase. Now of this number, probably 97 per cent, are “Nationalist” in politics and would welcome the abolition of the border. To follow this line of argument—a plebiscite, in another generation, would reunite Ireland.

It might be even sooner. There are many of the Protestant population who would welcome—or at least not oppose—“reintegration.” It is impossible to gauge the strength of this minority, it is neither vocal nor organised. To express an opinion freely might lead to social ostracism. I heard several expressions of criticism of the Craigavon Government and covert sallies at the Stormount administration.

But statistical prophecies are not always sound and plebiscites are dangerous unless they show an overwhelming majority. The majority—probably at least 65 per cent. —are opposed to any change. The Orange lodges are very much alive. They have active ladies’ lodges and youth branches now. They are unanimous in their policy to have no union with Southern Ireland. The Government in office has appealed to the constituencies on this very question and no doubt will be returned to power. It is not prepared to contemplate even a discussion on the question. England’s Interest There is a third party concerned —England. She is interested because of the status of the Northern Government. The Northern Parliament has no control over customs, defence, post office, etc. The “Six Counties” return 13 members to Westminster. • While Lord Craigavon can claim that the English Cabinet will not “let them down,” one gets the impression that English opinion would favour a settlement of the question by seeing Ireland united. I put this suggestion to one strong Orangeman, and “his reply was, “Yes, I know they to kick us out, but we won’t let them!” . _ , , „ Is there any chance of England encouraging the growth of a central party to bridge the gap? England will not do so directly; and it is well that she should not. for she has never understood the Irish problem. If we have reached an impasse on the religio-political plane, we can survey other approaches to a solution. Some parts of Irish life ignore the border. For these Ireland is one. All Ireland is still a nation on the football field and in other branches of sport. North and South play side by side in internationals. In Church organisation there has been no alteration to fit the border. The Presbyterian Church is one. The Church of Ireland has the office of its central organisation in Dublin, though most of its population is in the north. The Roman Catholic Church looks to Cardinal Macßory, of Armagh, as its Primate, though most of its population is in the South. The boundaries of the dioceses of both were fixed at the Synod of Rathbraesel in 1110, and only changes of a minor character have occurred since then. There are four or five dioceses which bestride the border. Operation of the Banks

More important still, the banks operate throughout the whole of Ireland. They have to keep different accounts for both areas for income tax purposes and are subject to different government regulations, no doubt. But the Ulster Bank does a great deal of business in the South and the Bank of Ireland does business in Belfast which is too big for other banks to undertake. As for cashing cheques, the North and South are nearer than Christchurch and Kaiapoi —there is no exchange! Factors like these emphasise the .fundamental unity of Ireland. If she is one in such widely different spheres as sport, ecclesiastical organisation, and banking (and spheres which touch everyone intimatelj'), may there not come a time when the border will be