FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY

Press, Volume LXXIV, Issue 22319, 5 February 1938, Page 20

FREEDOM AND DEMOCRACY

to TUB EDITOR OF THE TRESS. Sir, —The public are now being treated to another display of highpressure salesmanship in the political held. The Legion pup was allowed to roam, and nobody knows where it ended. The Democrat pup died in disgrace. The Auckland province has been selected as the field for trying out the latest in political parties. Brand new careerists and a highsounding title will appeal to the jingoists who love to sing that Britons never shall be slaves, the while they pay a load of unnecessary taxation that is worse than slavery. Only last year Sir Josiah Stamp told a British audience that no one would have dreamed a few years ago that the public could be schooled to bear such a load as they do to-day, and he went on to say that with care the load could be increased considerably. All taxation is an invasion of freedom and the science of applying it consists in spreading it wide enough so that discontent turns to content at the sight of more victims being caught in the net. British liberty may appear to be a priceless heritage, if measured by conditions in certain totalitarian states, but it is not liberty. It is a degree of liberty, or slavery, depending which way one looks at it. The Britisher is free to abuse his government when he has paid his taxes. What Professor Algie said at Pukekohe the other night was mere verbal flag wagging to catch those whose thinking apparatus works best when their legs are being pulled. The title of the new party suggests the question, ’‘Freedom from what?" At least the organiser should give his definition of freedom, because the word is so hackneyed nowadays that it may mean anything. (The same applies to democracy.) A definition of freedom which I gave recently in these columns is worth repeating. It is the ability to choose or refuse one thing at a time. I would remind Professor Algie that in such respectable circles as those represented by the British Government, the tendency is towards world government under the guise of collective security. Surely that is collectivism and tho rule of the expert. No one objects to the expert if he is the servant of policy, but a servant turned master is the very devil. The idea that democracy rules at the ballot box has been exploded. In theory it should, but in practice it is defeated when elections are held to decide methods before agreement has been reached on the results desired. What passes for policy is not policy but methods. What sense is there in voting on how taxation is to be spread when nobody wants taxation at all (and much of it can be avoided), or on how poverty is to be shared when there is not a shortage of wealth but too much? —Yours, etc.. W. B. BRAY. February 4, 1938.

TO THE EDITOR OF ill U I‘EKSS.

Sir. —Professor H. M. Algie in bis. remarks about freedom under the Southern Cross is evidently expressing a business conviction rather than a spiritual necessity and displaying a sense of loyalty to capitalistic interests rather than a sense of responsibility to the people. The professor, in his championship of outworn tradition in its fight against the adaptation of existing economic organisation to the services of the people, omits to consider one important aspect of this problem. On one side of the token of democracy is engraved the fact that all men are free, but on the reverse side of this coin is indicated that no man is free to injure other men; therefore the function of a democratic government is to enforce the limitation as well as guarantee the right. For long the producers of wealth in a nation have had politically one ~ct of rights while industrially they have had a much inferior set; therefore, since all industry is affected with a public and national interest, this condition calls for progressive rectification.

This process has already resulted in the greatest Savage achievement—the changing of the social outlook of the people, who can now see that competition is not the one law, selfishness the sole morality, or wealth the supreme goal, but recognise those values inherent in and essential to all-round security.

I would remind the professor that by crossing the international date line a solar eclipse can end the day before it started, and if the trade winds of democracy are to be availed of, then responsibility and justice have to be adjusted. Those who are irked by limitations imposed will be those who are irked by any limitation upon sheer industrial individualism. Who serves social progress serves New Zealand, and his fellowman beyond the seas.—Yours, etc., O B S February 3, 1938.

TO THE EDM OB OF THE PKBSB.

Sir, —Your correspondent “Butterfat” seems quite perturbed at Professor Algie's address on freedom. He says the overseas price is fixed by the buyer, and so it is, but then he argues there is no difference to the farmer between the fixing of that price and a price being fixed by the New Zealand Government. It is true that both prices are fixed without any particular reference to the farmer, but with this difference: the buyer fixes his price according to supply and demand, but the New Zealand Government price is fixed without regard to overseas market requirements, price fluctuations, etc. When once the Government has fixed the price for the farmer here, it has to stick to that price, and should it happen to be higher than that obtained overseas, then the New Zealand Government has to make up the difference to the farmer, and in that case “Butterfat” would probably have the pleasure of dipping into the general taxpayers’ pockets for the making up of this difference. The farming industry or business has already, since the depression, had generous helpings from the pockets of the rest of the taxpayers of the Dominion, by means of the raising of the exchange rate, and the Mortgagors Relief Act, and now it has the guaranteed price. Indeed, so flabby and nerveless a creature is the farmer becoming that he is giving up his freedom of action in marketing bis

produce and has it done for him. Apparently the responsibility is too mucn tor him.

As this inferiority complex becomes more pronounced (unless he is helped to fight it by Professor Algie and others of his kind) he will soon be reduced to the status of a woolly-headed sheep, or cattle beast that does not require to do much in the way of thinking. One may well remark on the difference between the early pioneers and the majority of present-day farmers, who apparently fear to face either adverse weather or market conditions. Many farmers pride themselves on saying they are the backbone of the Dominion, as farming is a primary in-dustx-y; but this backbone has most unfortunately developed a marked tendency to insinuate itself into the ribs of the Dominion.—Yours etc., M.S.S February 4. 1933.

TO THE EDITOR OF TUB PRESS.

-v» '‘Duviv r ui» inr.nn. Sir, —Professor Algie endeavours to hoodwink the public with his talk of freedom, but let him cast his mind back to 1932-33, when to hear our Prime Minister speak, invitations were issued to his political followers, and if one dared to voice his dissent in public he was immediately branded as a militant and arrested.—Yours, etc., LIBERTY. February 3, 1938.