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SAVING EUROPE FROM RUIN.

GENERAL SMUTS'S SENSATIONAL SPEECH. CONFERENCE OF THE POWERS. Froi; c.'s i.iwx cop.resi'Oxjjext.) I LONDON, October fM. j ' ; Four or live years ago wo "were sing- i in>; our ."ongs of victory ; to-day we are j ali marching to certain and inevitable defeat—victor and vanquished alike, ili-v international chr.o.s is growing. In spite of the disappearance of the Germany army, there are nov,- almost a : million and a-half more men under arms than in August of 1914. The black hoides of Africa have been called in , to vedivss the moral and political balance ol this mother-continent of civilisation. Tiie standards of living for th.--" peoples are everywhere- sinking to lower levels. Famine for large numbers is not far off. Can wo continue much longer on this march to destruction, j this pilgrimage, this crusade of .suicide i on which Europe hits started?" | These were some of the statements ; made by General Smuts in a sensational speech at the South African Luncheon Club last night. He declared tiit; t France has treated tho Peace Treaty like ''a scrap of paper,"' suggested that she should be warned that Great Britain may take, her own line of action, described French policy as "dreadful,'' :uid urged that it is in tho I interest of Britain to prevent a break- j down o" Germany. Jn another important speech Mr Harvey, the retiring American ambassador,, declared that there need be no question of his Government's willingness to take part in an Economic Conference on the German Preparations- questions'if j<equested to do so by all the Powers chiefly concerned. South Africa to-day, said General Smuts, was perhaps the most outstanding witness in the realm of politics to the value of a policy of give and\ take, of moderation and generosity, of trust and friendship, applied to the affairs of men. What- wisdom and moderation could achieve in Africa they could also achieve in Europe. Let them have faith in the great human principles and vaiiies, and that faith would nob he brought to confusion. Human nature was the same in all continents, and what could be done for the descendants in Africa could surely bo done for the parent peoples in Europe. Conference of the Powers. "What are we to do?" he asked. "Dint win bo latal; naif measures, paijiatives, expedients, such as politicians resort to viiien nard pressed, vviil'J no longer avail anything. Either a comprehensive settlement now with tome meawure of rinality about-it," or else let the situation dnlt and develop until it brings about its, own horrible nemesis,, and shocks and shames the conscience of the whole world into action. And who knows what may then happen ? Who can conceive the suffering before that happens? *'l vote for a gallant attempt now to save Europe from the dangers which threaten. But whatever we do, let us avoid,-the protiess of patching, of temporising, of playing with the dreadful reality which has already made possible the slow, steady, fatal deterioration of conditions all round. Faith courage, and real statesmanship are wanted. A thorough overhauling of the position into wlhich we have drifted is wanted. - A radical reconsideration and, where necessry, revision of existing arrangements are wanted. The time"'has come for the convocation of a great conference of the Powers who are mainly interested in the reparation question, and at this conference the Governments of the powers should be directly represented. ■Parting of the Ways. ''The conference may decide 'to""refer certain enquiries to suix>rainafe bodies, but it must act and decide itself. U«seiaums ox importance will have to be taken. '• umere may even oo tne parting oi tne ways, auu tne history or lnurope may never oa tne same-tnereu-rter. li me t-asii oeroro it nas to he done, it win be- u conierence uniine any that has been held in naiiope since the reuco Conference. its 'importance, i,uuiXn,n;j Ci*ni-<JL uu OVCi'-oSiiUiateu. X Know i-iiut negotiations are aruot to bring jlbout such a conference, and shan, tnerelore, refrain irom saying any more about it except tins: "1 have no reason to think that' any of-'tne' Powers concerned would decline to come to such a conference, but i am clear in my mind that the absence ■or B one or other Power should prevent the' rest from meeting and dealing with the situation to the- best of their ability. It is, however, in my judgment, vitally important that the U.S.A- should be there as an active member, and bear her full weight, which, under the circumstances, may be more decisive than that of any other Power. In iher distress, Europe is today more than ever turning her eyes and stretching out her hands to the great daughter nation in the West. The appeal is net so much for material assistance as for moral support in this dark hour. It is lack of moral justice which is Europe's undoing. . Again a "Scrap of Paper." , i "The Ruhr ocupation is a grave matter. The occupation will not , only yield no pa v . nit.iii, out will render tiie payment of reparations impossible. 'While the industrial heart is severed from the body of Germany, her Government cannot xestore their finances a nd cannot even prepare to pay reparations. The British Government have stated their view that tlie occupation is illegal. With all their authority and responsibility they have declared before the world that tho Ruhr occupation is a breach of the Versailles Treaty on the part of France and Belgium. Let us realise the gravity of the declaration made by the British Government; the issue raised by them is fundai mental. The greatest issue in the ini ternational relations not only of

Europe but of the whole world h«s once more come to the front. We are buck in August, 1914. Uis again the scrap of paper. Once more a great instrument of European settlement has been deliberately broken. We entered the Great War to avenge such a breach It bodes ill for the future peace ot Europe that four years after the war we should have to face the same sort of situation again. But the Nemesis is coming, now as in. 1914. Germany's Plight. "There are signs that Germany is goinP to pieces. This is due partly to tha inherent weakness of the Republican regime established after the war and to the absence of real leadership m Germany, partly to the mistaken financial and reparation policies of her succesgive: Governments, and partly to the dreadful policy of France, which on the Rhino and in the Ruhr and elsewhere has applied a relentless pressure iar be.vond the feeble power or the new Germany. The position which this Empire occupies in the world entitles it t> an authoritative voice in' the affairs ot Europe. To all whom it may. concern, we should make it perfectly clear, in friendly but unmistakable language, that in certain eventualities this country will have regard to its own interests and take whatever steps are necessary to that end, irrespective- of the effect that they may have ou old friendships. Irrespective of Old Friendships. "This country and the small countries which surround Germany on the Continent cannot be indifferent to Geimany's fate. To all of them the economic and political dissolution ot Germaiiv would be a first-class and irreparable disaster. For them, too, it would mean immediate economic c;haos and it would open up the possibility ot future, political dangers. It is therefore to the interest of this country, as well as to that of the Central European States in every legitimate way to prevent ttie breakdown of Germany. How can wes do this? In my opinion we can at any rate follow the benevolent policy which this "country adopted towards E,-ance after the .Napoleonic YVais. can give Germany the Wal support which will mean very much indeed, Saps everything, to her, m her hour of adversity. The position y uch thi. Empire occupies in the .world entitles it to an authoritative voice m the affairs of Europe. To all whom it may concern we should make it perfectly e lei n a friendly but, unm.stakable language that in certain eventualities this country will have regard to its own interests and take whatever steps are necessary to that end, irrespective o the effecte that they may have on old friendships." Advice to France. In conclusion, General Smuts had a word of advice to France ' Much.ol what I have said may sound like an indictment of French policy. And m a sense that is true. But while I am in tot-1 disagreement with -lie policy of "the" French Government, I do feel a profound sympathy with the people ot France. France occupies to-day a. proud and pre-eminent position in Europe. Let her, in the day of. her u ; torv and greatness, not forget ner noble historic mission as the great, bearer of the Liberal tradition in Europe, to abdicate that proud position,, and to place.herself at the head of the reaction in Europe would be a deteat-and a disaster, greater than-any she has known in all her history. It may involve the whole cause of: Liberalism all over Europe in irretrievable disastei. And 1 would imnlore her, for her own sake, as much as for that of Europe, to return to the faith of her past, and liecome once more the great Liberal leader of the Continent. •■..,- "I have finished. I have earn thing, I which are seldom, if ever, said by those 1 in responsible positions, but which must be said quite frankly,- unless all hope of a better and more satisfactory Euro- • pean settlement has to be given-up.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/CHP19231208.2.29

Bibliographic details

Press, Volume LIX, Issue 17941, 8 December 1923, Page 8

Word Count
1,603

SAVING EUROPE FROM RUIN. Press, Volume LIX, Issue 17941, 8 December 1923, Page 8

SAVING EUROPE FROM RUIN. Press, Volume LIX, Issue 17941, 8 December 1923, Page 8

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