THE IRISH PEACE CONFERENCE.

Press, Volume LVII, Issue 17292, 2 November 1921, Page 7

THE IRISH PEACE CONFERENCE.

DEBATE IN HOUSE OF COMMONS. OVERWHELMING SUPPORT FOR GOVERNMENT. PETME MINISTER'S GEAVE STATEMENT. (By OaWo—Pre» Association-Copyright.) (Australian and N.Z. Cablo Association.) (Received November Ist, 5.5 p.m.) LONDON, October 31. In the House of Commons the motion of Colonel John Gretton regarding the Irish negotiations, which the Prime Minister regarded as a challenge to the Government, was debated to-day. The Speaker ruled Lord Robert Cecil's amendment out of order. The amendment declared that, while it deplored the Government's lack of policy in Ireland during the last three years, the House was of opinion that the break-ing-off of the negotiations at the preeent stage was likely to increase th e dangers and difficulties of the situation. Colonel John Gretton (Unionist, Burton, Staffs) then moved his motion, which was as follows: "This House views with grave apprehension the entering into negotiations with delegates of Southern Ireland, who have taken the oath of allegiance to the Irish Republic, and have repudiated the authority of the Crown, and in view of the fact that an Act of Parliament for the settlement of relations between Great Britain and Ireland was passed as ( recently as last year, the House is of opinion that no proposals for the settlement of Southern Ireland should be made without the sanction of Parliament." "Die Hard" Argument. »• Colonel Gretton-said the whole country desired to know what was going on as regards the Irish situation. - He reviewed events since last autumn, when the Government was vehement in its determination to suppress the; 1 rebellion in Ireland. He criticised the inadequacy of the truce for the protection of loyalists. He pointed out ihat the truce document wbb actuary unsigned. It was plain that the Irish delegates came to the conference in London with the status which they claimed, paraely, as representatives of an Irish Republic. Colonel Gretton said Mr de Valera's telegram to the Pope was. defiance to the British Government, and insulting. to the Crown. Was 1 the price the Government-was pre- ' pared to pay to seoure the allegiance of Sinn Fein the surrender of the two Counties? The Government had made a surrender to gangs of assassins by bringing over representatives • of these assassins and murderers to negotiate on equal terms. The Government had bowed the knee to murderers wd assassins without consulting, or iven informing, the British people, [he latter wete not to be terrorised Into tearing up the unity of these islands at the dictation of a small gang of men subsidised by foreign money. ' The Conference had practically broken down. The Government was obviously seeking some pretext on which, it should breaks down. The group whom he (Colonel Gretton) represented def sired peace in, Ireland, and that there should be a conference with representatives of the real Irish people, who were not the authors of the terrorism which had v been allowed to grow up. : j Mr' R. S. Gwynne (Co. Unionist, Eastbourne), in seconding the motion, " denied the Prime Minister's statements that the delegates were duly elected as the representatives of the Irish people. The recent elections were carried out under coercion by a gang of murderers; i\ Labour Supports Government, | Mr Arthur Henderson (Labour, Widftes) said the Labour Party was sup- \ filing the Government because, the motion J raised issues vital not only/to ifie nation and the Empire, but to the Jihole English-speaking, race. The 'labour Party was still; opposed to the" gy of reprisals followed by the Gorwnt during the past few years, but more strongly in favour of negotiations for peace. \< Attitude of "Ulster. ' t Captain -Charles C. Craig (Unionist, 1 South Antrim) said the Ulster Parliament looked on the Conference as one hatveen the Government and Sinn Fein. , They had decided hot to take part in , the division, provided the Prime Min« * jtter assured them the necessary powers would be given to the Ulster Parliament to enable it to function at the . earliest possible moment. -"■;.., Prime Minister's Reply. , When Mr Lloyd George rose, there " #aa prolonged cheering. He said a; j>jjery grave issue had .been raised. It jsjgu dear that a section in the House ' W full of misgiving. The burden of 1 JP»o»el Gretton's speech was that the had not shed enough He" admitted there had been of the truce. They had been "• Jovestigated, and the Government had jpceived guarantees which. Sinn Fein , doing its best to carry out. ?,Jnr Lloyd George said the motion .Condemned the Government for entering into negotiations with men conspir«g acainst the Crown. The second ]s»at was that the sanction of Parlia-r Ment should have preceded the meetl >ng of the Conference. The Govern- ■% toent's reply was that no pact could ! « come into effect without Parliamentary I T Mthanty. If there waa agreement, it I \ would have to be converted into an Act' ~>of Parliament. Nothing could be done I without fall scrutiny and the' sanction t 'l<£ Parliament. It was essential that; **■ Conference should be held behind 1 closed doors, where men could make tentative proposals without feeling' * that the following morning every word would be scrutinised. .That waa the Hpd of conference business men always adopted. I hi

The Premier said the House of Commons must either trust its negotiators or replace them. "If it does not trust them, one glad man will go to his Sovereign and hand in his resignation." The answer to the other point was that if there was to be a Conference, it had to be with men who were repudiating the authority of the Crown. The Government could not negotiate with the Southern Unionists. The Sinn Feiners, for the time being, spoke in the name of the majority of the Irish people. For the moment the sympathies of Ireland were behind these people. If the Government did not deal with Sinn Fein, there would be none with whom it could deal. It was impossible for the House to decid© with whom the Government should negotiate. The only point it could decide was whether it should enter a Conference at all. "On the contrary, the House can decide that, first of all, and at whatever cost, the Government should crush the rebellion, and then deal with Ireland. If the Conference ia broken off, and it may be broken off, I want the House to feel it haa done everything it can reasonably be expected to do. A Grave Statement. "I cannot conceal from the House that 1 may have the grim announcement to make that it is impossible to settle the question without danger and dishonour to the country. If the Conference fails, the first thing the Government will do will be to ask the House of Commons to considerably strengthen the forces of the Crown in Ireland. Unless it is absolutely necessary for the honour and security of the country, this is not the time to impose great additional burdens upon the taxpayers, and invite young men once more to risk their lives. Before you do this, you must convince the people that there is no alternative. If the security of this country is menaced, the Throne repudiated, or the Empire mutilated, and Ireland established as an alien country at our most vulnerable point, so that this country cannot use the coast of Ireland for the defence of Britain, then the Government will appeal with confidence to the people." Position of Ulster. The Premier said he had discussed the situation due to the fact that certain powers were to be conferred on two Parliaments simultaneously. The Southern Parliament had not come into existence, so something in the nature of a Crown Colony would have to be set up. This could not be done until the Conference negotiations had been, concluded. In the meantime government in Ireland was paralysed. The present position was in. tolerable, and "therefore we are willing to give a pledge that unless something happens in a few days one way or the other that puts the position right, we shall either exercise the i powers we have got or confer the necessary powers on the Northern Parliament by asking the House of Commons to pass a short Act during the present .session. (Loud cheers.) It would be unfair to set up a Parliament and deprive it of the only powers that would enable it to work creditably. That would, be giving an unfair advantage to its enemies." The Prime Minister concluded by saying that if the negotiations broke down the country would be confronted by a position of unexampled difficulty; and the Government ought not to commit themselves to this or that method of dealing with the situation. He appealed for an effort which would encourage ail atmosphere in the Council Chamber so as to obtain, if possible, a favourable settlement. Mr Asquith said that if the motion 1 had 'been submitted a year ago he would have supported it, but happily the eyes of the Government had been opened, and it realised the situation. He thought that at the present time the Government was doing right. It would be pedantic to demand credentials or passports, or scrutinise the characters of the JLnsh negotiators. He declined to dwell upon the alternative to a break-up of the Conference. Mr Austen Chamberlain wound up the debate. He emphasised that the Government had got down to rock bottom, beyond which no British Government could go,

• A Huge Majority. On a-division the motion was rejected by 439 votes to 43. A CROWDED HOUSE. EFFECT OF MB LLOYD GEORGE'S SPEECH. (Received November Ist, 8.10 p.m.) LONDON, November 1. It is a'long time since the scene in the House of Commons was so animated. Every seat was filled and the gangways were packed, members sitting on the steps. Even the Attorney-General had to take refuge in, the gallery, as the Treasury bench was over-crowded. The Duke of York was present.

-There were'a number of interruptions during Mr Lloyd George's speech, especially regarding the Government's alleged negotiations with the "murder gang," but he generally carried the Hpuse with him.

There was a stormy scene later. While Earl Winterton (Co.-Unionist) was speaking, Mr Jack Jones (Labour, Silvertown) addressed the Chair, asking | "Why.don't you call up some of these bounders?" The Deputy-Speaker asked Mr Jones to withdraw the expression. Mr Jones refused and was told to leave the House. After a protest he did so crying: "I am sorry I ever entered it." Mr Lloyd George's speech was of an emotional character. Several times he spoke with great emphasis, raising both clenched hands over his head, particularly when he asked for the confidence of the House of Commons as their negotiators. His speech is interpreted in the lobby as a warning to Sinn Fein that a critical point in the negotiations has been reached. The gloomy tone of the speech is believed to be intended to prepare, the public for a possible breakdown of the negotiations with the terrible sequel of civil war. , The Ulster members generally are satisfied. It is believed that Mr Lloyd George will not ask. Ulster to give up Tyrone and Fermanagh, as Sinn Fein is demanding, or give the Southern Parliament a superior status to that of the Northern Parliament. The general feeling is that the secession of the forty odd "Diehards" will strengthen, rather than weaken, the Coalition, as the Government needs a stronger Qnbositipn- ■ ■