BRITISH LABOUR POLICY.

Press, Volume LVII, Issue 17104, 28 March 1921, Page 3

BRITISH LABOUR POLICY.

PROGRAMME ADOPTED.

DANGER OF DIRECT ACTION.

(FHOM OCR OWN- COKRESPOOTE-VT.)

LONDON, February 3

Labour's proposed remedies for unemployment were outlined in resolutions submitted to a special Trade Union and Labour Conference, held last week. The 800 delegate's who attended agreed to Mr J. H. Thomas s pro t )osal that tho Labour demands and remedies should be forwarded to the Premier, all M.P.'s, and Labour bodies. Tho Parliamentary Labour Party were instructed to take steps to bring the matter before the House at the opening of the new session. The Conference i-, described as being the most- subdued gathering that Labour has held for years. Truculent speeches were not popular, and the men who hinted at "direct action'' were obviously no longer the heroes of the crowd. The resolutions were carried as published, but the real interest of the conference was in tho fact that extremists like Mr Robert Williams were fiercely attacked. The average memher of the conference knew that the Labour rnovein e;it is in for a bad time, and did not want to make things worse by following the advico of what he calls, m his frank moments, the "hot air merchants." Labour demands were: Iniiwediato reopening of trade with Russia; trade credits and stabilisation of exchanges; termination of "military adventures in the East and oppression in Ireland; unemployment benefit; 40s per week for each householder, 2os each single man or woman and allowance for dependants : uncler-employment allowance on the foregoing scale where "short time is adopted; a legal eight-hour working day; prohibition ■of overtime; necessary public works to be undertaken; relief works declared wasteful; protests against wage reductions in the present crisis; the policy of arresting the growth of education and local improvements ; and tho slowing down or housing. Organised Labour is now to. concentrate for a month on a constitutional agitation- mainly in Parliament. The Labour men themselves hardly expect tho Government' to adopt their schemos, and when tho delegates, conference meets again on February 23rd, will bo concerned mainly with the issue whether direct action, shall be adopted. It will not be adopted, but the situation is likely to be extremely awkward. Tho chairman (Mr E. B. Poulton) painted the situation in lurid colours. He said wo were now producing a *'o 4'' population. He declared that the workers would no longer be "fobbod off" with words, but wanted deeds, action, performance. He attacked the Government in the usual Labour Party way, for neglect, want of foresight, and so forth, but, of cotirse, Labour had foreseen it all. Then he referred to Labour's refusal to sit on the 'Government Committee, and justified it on the ground that Labour had no confidence m tho Government; which gave promises, promises', promises, and nothing but promises.

A Gloomy Prospect.

Mr Frank Hodges, declared to be much subdued and not the truculent mqn he was twelve months ago, followed. Of him it is written: "He seems to bo obsessed, perhaps unconsciously, with tlio failure of his policy for the miners. His speech 'showed great uneasiness with regard to the miners themselves, and he cannot have been unaware tnat a good many members of the conference think in their hearts, that the. miners, by knocking the bottom out of their own industry, inflicted a very severe blow on other industries, and are, to that extent, responsible for the . present state of affairs*. He was anything but cheerful, saying: "Wo are in'one of the greatest, if not the greatest, of the industrial crises of our history. The outlook is gloomy, in spite of the protestations of thp chairmen of directors of great banking concerns. These are merely artificial attempts to dispel the gloom which rs gradually settling upon Europe and casting its shadow in America. There is no policy of any established Government which will have the efFect.of dispelling the gloom.' He cast his eye all round the world, and saw nothing to please him, no great international policy to steady the downward course of economio events. America's policy «is for the "Americaus, and expressed itself in reduction of wages which, strangely enough, the workers were prepared to accept." . . , Then he noted that the principal remedy suggested was reduction of wages, and said: ''Are you going to accept the economic theorem that the way to restore the industrial balance is *bv a reduction of wage's? High ] wages are. consistent with, and only consistent with, the continuance of industrial prosperity. If ther© is to be increased production, and. a reduction in the cost of production, there is only one way to bring it about —by a more intelligent application of the human mind to the technique of production. That is what we miners are going to argue. In our own organisation, although. that danger ■ looms over our heads, when the time comes we are going to urge that, first of all, an at'terapt must be mado to improve the efficiency- of the technique of tho trade."

Then Mr Hodges reproached his fellows for not doing their part in the international movement, and argued that if the Government took no notice of them they must steel _ themselves for the time ■ when economic events would determine their position—whatever that m:w mean. The oijly scientific way in which the cost of production could be reduced was by applying the human mind tp the technical side of production, and to do by machinery what the human arm and brain did now. It was possible to bring down the cost of production without taking wages out of tho pockets of the workers.. If the policy of the Government was to reduce wages, then the period of the present European slump would, be indefinitely extended. Mr Ben Turner said that the resolution tried to restore to the world some system of trade and commerce. Ho wanted to see the Government as the authority for conducting trade as between nation and nation the whole-world over.. If they did not ensure that trade was conducted by Government, they -would have private • enterprise still buttressed up, and unemployment would be continued. The long-drawn-out trade negotiations in regard to Russia were a scandal and weakness on the part of British statesmen. If the various Governments were enabled to exchange ■ommodities as required, railways, shipyards, and docks would start working again on full time. He confessed, in a significantly pessimistic passage, that the Labour policy had been "baulked by the unreadiness of the British democracy/' He backed uy his argument that Government policies would not dispel the gloom by using the European coal situation as an illustration. The German miners, he said, were working seven days a week to send 24.000,000 tons of coal to France. British coal export to_ France had come to an end, ana British and Frendh. miners weije unemployed. Ho denounced the setting up of "artificial political barriers" between countries, and said "We must live on good terms with the whole world if we are to get rid of our surpluses." ' -Miss M. Bondfield protested against the attempt which had been made to put the women workers against the exService men. ''We do not expect [chivalry," she said,' referring to the

dismissal of women from Government work, "and we have censed to expect courtesy ; but we do ask for fair plav." At one Labour Exchange in the I?ast End 5000 women had applied for work in one week and the greatest difficulty had been experienced in placing 30 of them.

Mr Kennedy advised a more national system of trading interchange, contending that we ought t-o produce our own food and consume our own manufactures.

To this Mr Tom Shaw, M.P., sarcastically replied by asking whether we wero to urge the colliers to eat their own coal and the cotton spinners to go back to the land. Exchanges must be stabilised in order that countries like Georgia might exchange their eggs, butter, and timber for our boots, clothes, and agricultural machinery.

Mr Thomas's Warning,

Mr J. H, Thomas remarked that the decision to adjourn to February 23rd might be interpreted in some quarters as meaning that industrial action was to follow.

A delegate: Don't you so interpret 9

Mr Thomas: No. It neither affirms nor disagrees with the adoption of direct action.' That question must be determined on February 23rd: "We miist remember that after this question of remedying unemployment can only be determined by Pamament. Therefore, during the first week of the session the Labour M.P.'s should devoto their whole attention to legislation for dealing with unemployment. A delegate: And in the meantime the unemployed are to starve? Mr Thomas: If you decido to take direct action the only difference will be that there will be more people starving and out of work. (Hear, bear.) By "The Times" Mr Robert Williams (secretary of the Transport Workers' Federation) is said to have been responsible for the dissipation of the cool academic temper and tho breaking; of the rhetorical thunderstorm. Mr Williams is a. Communist who has confessed a vehement belief in the efficacy of sending members to Parliament to shoot down Ministers with "You're a liar, you're a liar." Trom an attitude of negligent ease, an arm resting on tho platform rail and a forefinger ticking off his sentences, he drew back to turn to 'Mr J. H. Thomas, with the suggestion that the most effective use he could make of his Parliamentary position was to get-himself' put out of the House by the Sergeant-at-A ims, and then resign his seat in order to be returned with triumphant strength by the electors of Derby.'' Such action would stimulate thfr whole ' workingclass movement. If the Government could not' bo persuaded by constitutional means it "would be up to the rank and file to decide on "extra constitutional means." A delegate: Mr Thomas would not risk it. -(Laughter-) Mr Neil McLean made a most effective retort to Mr Robert Williams. "How many policemen have led Mr Williams out? I know the safo place to be in when the revolution comes. It is in some trade union office." It was a shrewd touch, which was enjoyed by tho delegates.

"Campaign of Abuse." There tad also been a gibe' at M J. H. Clvnes, M.P., whom illness kep away, and Mr J. H. Thomas came to hi defence, and, incidentally his own. H< ridiculed Mr Williams's counsel as shee theatricalism, and declared that th< campaign of abuse, innuendo, and slaii der against labour leaders was respon sible for the failure to deal with un employment. He spoke contemptuously of those who talk of powder, but_ rui a long way from the smell of it. As t( the ''miserable attack" made upon th< leaders, it was no good assuming thai those on the platform, could always cal a strike. It was quite true they coulc call a strike, and what about the re sponseP The response did noi rest with those on the plat form. There was political actioi as well as industrial _ action and political action by those in the House of Commons could only be effective if they could convince the House that they had the electorate behind them. Only the rank and file could enable them to do that. When there w*is an election, and a woman like Miss M. Bondfield was defeated in a workingclass constituency, then the working classes deserved what they got. There were many people always talking about brimstone, 'but when there was a struggle they ran a long way from it. Innuendoes and slanders on leaders would not solve the unemployment problem. Let them unite in realising that these hungry men and women were _ trade unionists and, above all, citizens. Therefore it was their duty to find, as soon as possible, a solution to the probMr Ernest Bovin,- the "Dockers K.C.," who is appearing for the tramat the court _ of enquiry on wages, made some telling points m his speech. Here are a few*. — The most ingenious Chancellor of the Exchequer in the world is a workman s wife. . , I heard someone trying to sell a pamphlet, "Can a. man be a Christian on a pound'a week?" Someone else asked, "Can he be anything else?" The man who can live at the rate or several thousands a year can tell people to live on' a pound a week fe The workman, with the growth 01 education and the spread of knowledge, must have, something more than the mere fodder basis, This is a period of artificial unemployment. It is a condition of things brought about by the machinations oi financiers to enable them to lower the standard of living. This was deliberately inaugurated by the American financiers to begin with, and ther spread ail ovier the world. Tneidfea of taxing the workpeople ma; .as well be given up.; The men who arc rendering their services to industry can not contribute the solution to unem ployment of having their standard o life reduced. They are already taxet by the Government in. paying unemptay ment contribution and, in addition, wit] paying into Jhe trado unions. _ If the Court gives its decision tha industry cannot pay for the tramway men's increase, then the question of tb control of industry will loom in clari fied terms. The workmen will find soim other solution.

How Depression has Arisen.

A well-known West London engineering firm has closed down owing to the heavy cancellation of honjf and foreign orders and the high costs of production. It is stated that during tho past tew weeks orders to the value of thousands of pounds have been cancelled, and the firm has now an. immense store of finished goods which it cannot sell. _ Large stocks of steel and other materials are also held, and the firm, having bought new equipment during the boom, is obliged to keep it all idle and pay off the employees on account of the general depression arid the inability to sell cheaply in overseas markets. It is stated that goods are two and three times the home price when offered to Continental customers, the exchange rates being all against British traders. Ilansome, Sims, and Jefferies, Ltd., engineers, Ipswich, announce that they are compelled to place their thousands of employees upon short time. Little Continental business is available, owing to high rates of exchange and inflated costs of production- It is stated that to sell to France an article which cost £l5O before the war £IOOO would have to be asked to-day, and the French and other customers will not buy at these figures. Germany, moreover, is undercutting our traders in Polariu and elsewhere. Dear coal and restricted production are given as causes of the inability to manufacture at competitive prices. It has been urged that the only practical way to restore the normal course of our home and export trade is to reduce the cost of production, and, therefore, selling prices, by immediately reducing wages throughout all indus-

tries. Labour replies through Mr Clynes that a general reduction 9f wages will be resisted, because there is no guarantee that prices will fall with wages, because workers do not believe that the cost of living will fall as a consequence of falling prices, because prices werfe increased beforo wages were raised, and because inordinately, high profits have been made,, both before and after wage increases were given. Manufacturers are faced by cola, hard, economic facts. Labour is obeying a fundamental instinct to which, over since the early days of Trades Unionism, strict loyalty has been given, and tho public view the impasse with dismay.