The Press WEDNESDAY JUNE 2, 1920. The Irish Situation.

Press, Volume LVI, Issue 16850, 2 June 1920, Page 6

The Press WEDNESDAY JUNE 2, 1920. The Irish Situation.

For months past the cable messages telling lis of the situation in Ireland have painted a picture of unrelieved and deepening gloom. No ray of light or hope is visible. It is time that the Government are able to carry through Parliament a Homo Rule Bill •which grants to Ireland a measuro of self--government which, at .many stages of Ireland's history ■would have been gladly accepted. But the position in Ireland, is such that Home Rule Bills can have no more effect upon it than a pill on an earthquake. It is hardly a misdescription of the case to say that a state of war exists between Ireland and Britain. British authority can be .upheld only by an army of occupation, and not an army merely standing by, but an army actively engaged in operations. The police are powerless. Rebellion is open and flagrant. Murder is the commonest of crimes. There is a deadlock between coercion on the one hand and rebellion and terrorism on the other. The crisis is fundamental, for the conflict is at bottom between a British resolve that Ireland shall not secede and become an independent Republic. and an Irish resolve that nothing short of the grant of independ-ence-will end the war. "When one looks for material Irish grievances to justify the Irisli attitude, one finds that none exists. Irishmen may with justice complain of the frequent stupidity of the Castle Government, but socially, industrially, economically, and financially, Ireland, now a prosperous land, has nothing to complain of. It is not for material advantages, or against material wrongs, that Irishmen are fighting; their rebellion is based entirely on emotion and sentiment. They desire what they call "self-determination," and freedom from "the English yoke," wholly imaginary as that yoke really is.

It is not possible to say that thero are many people in Ireland able to take an optimistic view of the situation, other than those extremists of both kinds who are confident of success. But there are optimists in Britain. "The Times," expressing a very widespread opinion, believes that peace can como through the creation of a new spirit of candour and common-sense in the Irish Executive. Others think that it is not yet too late to hope, for salvation through- legislation made possiole by conciliation and mutual sacrifices of opinion. Tho actions and tho statements of leading Sinn Feiners are not favourable to such a hope. Mr Arthur Griffith, the founder and acting-presi-dent of Sinn Fein, is confident that ho can wear down the British Government. In a recent statement to the "Manchester Guardian" ho declared that Sinn Fein still stands uncompromisingly for an independent Republic. T\ hen the

" Guardian's" representative suggested that this policy would simply irritate British opinion and stiffen the resolution not to be brow-beaten, Mr Griffith replied that Ireland would nevertheless

stand firm, relying upon the pressure of world-opinion. He cited tho repercussion of the Irisli situation on the relations between Britain and. America, and ho said that French, opinion was swinging round in Ireland's favour. "If the English refuse to grant Iro- " land independence they will have to " extirpate the Irish nation, and they " will have to do their extirpation in " the face of the world. Would Eng"land face that'challenge? Sinn Fein

•' had mads this question an interna- " tional one > and intended to keep it "so." He concluded his statement with a firm declaration that Ireland would "endure patiently until she is recog- " nised as free and'equal." "Irish"'znan,'' he finally added, "have no

" hostility to Englishmen as such "remove your army of occupation find "we can be the best of friends." It 15 unlikely that the world, which has troubles enough of its own, Trill havo the time to spare to render Sinn Fein the assistance desired; and it is doubtful whether the intransigent attiiude defined by Mr Griffith can be maintained. It must be remembered tnat

four years ago an agreement was practically reached, and it was not Sinn Fein that prevented this agreed settle-

ment from coming into operation. Therefore, however widely the Sinn Fein objective is supported in Ireland to-day, it is not basic, it is not an essential and irremovable articic of the creed of Irish Nationalism. It v.t.s not the objective of Ireland's loaders last century: it is a new thing, with i ; c roots in the past. This is the fact which reconciles to the Government s policy multitudes of people who grieve over the tragedies that accompany the conflict between that policy and the Republican movement.