CONSCRIPTION REFERENDUM.

Press, Volume LII, Issue 15746, 13 November 1916, Page 7

CONSCRIPTION REFERENDUM.

the labour split. POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES. (By Cable.—Press Association.—Copyright.) MELBOURNE, November 11. >*o further developments in Federal politics arc expected before Tuesday's caucus, when, in view of the hostility of the Political Labour Leagues of Now South Wales and Victoria to conscription, it is practically certain that a kgt vote will bo taken. POSITION IN SYDNEY. DISMISSAL OF MINISTERS. A REMARK ABLE POSITION. bYDNEY. November 11. Following on tho defeat, of the Ihirack censure motion. his Excellency tho Governor has issued tho following statement:—"Tn view of the Legislative Assembly having deliberately refrained from declaring confidence in Mr Holman's Administration, and, as Mr C. G. Wade took the control of tho House from the. Premier, his Excellency will cc-ase transacting business with his Ministers, and. as he is entitled to do, will seek tho advice of the strongest group in Parliament." Mr Holman states that the National Party will be formed forthwith. , INCIDENT ('LEA LIED UP. (Received November 12th. 0.0 p.m.) DNK'N , November 12. The remarkable political crisis which vu precipitated by the Governor's action has terminated. Affjer a Cabinet mooting, Mr Holman visited tho Governor, and a* the result of a conference it was declared that the incident was dosed, and that no resignations would follow NATIONAL MINI ST 111 FORMING. S\DNEY, November 11. It is anticipated that a Bill to prolong thelifc of tho State Parliament will be introduced nexr. week, and a new Ministry on national lines will bo formed towards the end of the week. Tho position in the Labour camp is extraordinary, with several Ministers and the great majority of the prominent leaders expelled from the Political Labour Leagu*, and with their endorsement as election candidates refused, any chane© of healing the brcach appears to ho very dubious. In a few cases local unions have refused to accent the Politicnl Labour league ukases. THE CALL. RESULT OF THE RESPONSE. MELBOURNE, November 11. So far 186,952 men have reported nnder tho rcccnt call upon them for o£HJ®, 6crv ' ce ' Of 173,825 examined, 22,837 were declared fit. 49,409 uiifit. Tho rest are temporarily unfit or "doubtful." applications for exemption 41,607 were dealt with, 27,732 aoplicaj£PJ w <? ro allowed, 9SIB refused, and' 4057 deferred. POLITICAL AND INDUSTRIAL ,CHAOS. AN UNPRECEDENTED POSITION. (FBOU OCK OWN CORRESPONDENT.) SYDNEY, November 6. The political and industrial situation that has now developed in Australia is probably unprecedented in this land of political crises and industrial turmoil. Tho Federal political parties, and the political organisations of New South Wales, are in a stato of flux, and the whole Commonwealth, at this moment, is faced with a widespread and extremely dangerous labour, upheaval. The position changes daily. There is still hope that tho industrial trouble may be checked, but it is ccrtain that there will •be drastic and far-reaching changes in tho Federal and New South Wales Governments.

It may seem paradoxical that the Labour Party shoiild have split so seriously on a question it was proceeding to decide by a referendum, which embodies a basic labour principle. As a matter of fact, the foundation of the present troublo has been building up for a long time past—gradually growing as tho Political Labour League machine, controlled by petty trade union officials, came into conflict with the clearersighted loaders of Labour. Tho time for disruption was ripe; the conscription referendum provided tho opporThe astute Mr Hughes and his followers, in supporting conscription and defying tho P.L.L., necessarily ranged themselves with the forces of order, and loyalty, and forceu wp PJi.L. into a mixed camp, wii shirkers. Pro-Germans, the 1.W.W., and traitorous and disloyal factions. •io ono knows definitely yet whether ~v referendum answer is "Yes" or my,, —P res( :nt indications suggest -i, „ —but it is not expected to alter *»r xlughes's intentions, whatever it is. or reconciliation? is tho problem before him. Obviously, it is not to be reconciliation, for already, "v himself accepting tho resignations or three Ministers—Mr Higgs and Senators Russell and Gardiner—he has yeuberately ignored _ the Caucus. As r r coalition, the position is best shown the flowing analysis of parties in tne Fed oral House of Representatives. . 6 Hughes party is formed by counta j Mr Hughes all those who defied the P.L.L. and advocated * in the recent campaign:— labour (anti-Hughes) ... 37 Labour (pro-Hughes) ... 15 Liberals ... ... 31 On active service (2 Labour and 2 Liberals)... 4 Total in House ... 7o It is believed that Mr Hughes does * I*l a union with the Libewith any enthusiasm, but no tk cc J urßC seems open to him. Even en, the margin does not seem verv TtTv , to 37—but it h said that Mr • «.« eS "°P OS that quite a number of •T? ?? n n <"v classed anti-Hughes will join him. and that he may then safely «noark on his campaign against the created 008 — w^c li his genius A Liberal-Hughes coalition completed, there is still the problem of 1° this Chamber, there fit M Labourites— and three Liberal's! *•* majority of tho former are believed

to be anti-Hughes; they wore certainly anti-conscription.% Will they permit a coalition to carry on, or will they force a dissolution? Opinion, generally, is divided. It is pointed out that, for the Senators, a dissolution would be a step in the dark. They come from tho six States, and only one State—New South Wales—gave an entirely definite vote against Mr Hughes's conscription proposal. Tho "No" majorities in Queensland and South Australia were quite small.

So. to-day. there seem to be only three certain things in tho Federal politics—that big changes arc imminent, that tho dominating Mr Hughes is not to relinquish -power if ho can help it. and that the life of a coalition would bo entirelv in the keeping of the Senate. Tho Commonwealth is awaiting a word from Mr Hughes. So far. lie has been grimly silent, and his plans can only be guessed at. NEW SOUTH WALES STATE POLITICS. Tho general chaos is reflected in the Parliament of New South Wales, where an extraordinary, and probably "unprecedented position has arisen. There are now to bo seen four -parties: Ministerial Labour, -which has broken away from tho Political Labour League, but retains the powers of administration; the PJJ.L. Labourites, who are larger in numbers than the Ministerial Labourites, and who now claim complete independence, under their own leader, M_r IXirack; the Liberals, under Mr Wado; and tho Progressives, who are nominally led by Mr Beeby (who is not in Parliament), but who are actually part of the Liberal party. Mr Holman knows that he cannot remain in power unless he coalesces with the Liberals: li<» is finally and definitely at war -with the victorious P.L.L. machine. And so, for over a week, the public lias liad the entertaining spectacle of Mr Holman and Mr Wade, whoso hands, for years, have been at each other's throats, coquetting with each other. Various littlo troubles have appeared, and it lias been announced more than once that negotiations were "off." But they are quite obviouslv still going on, and no one has the least doubt that there -will be a Coalition Government within n few da vs.

Tho one thing that may cause a hitch is tho question of extending the life of Parliament. On broad, general grounds, the creation by coalition of a strong, stable Government is an eminently desirable thing. Strength is wanted to deal with tho growing spirit of lawlessness in the industrial -world, -wisdom to handle tho dangerous problems that-war and post-war conditions will bring, stability t.o do*away with petty squabbling at a time of national crisis. In these circumstances, the propriety of extending Parliament—which, in ordinary circumstances, will expire next month —scorns unassailable. Had the preseut coalition proposal been put forward six months ago. it would have been received with satisfaction and relief. To-day, the circumstances aro different.

Tho Labourites now following Mr Holman were tho conscriptioniste. In New South Wales, the conseriptionists were beaten by an overwhelming majority. Obviously, tho vote did not follow party lines —yet many who profess to know say that, if there was an early election, Mr Holman and his followers would disappear from politics. This belief is so widely held that the spectacle of Mr Holman seeking a coalition, and proposing an extension of Parliament, has raised a great, loud cry of "Wolf!" The Australian people are always looking for political trickery, and they think this is an instance of it. Hence the Liberals aro more shy than might have been expected, and Mr Beeby's party—which, by its association with the Liberals, is directly interested in the negotiations—is distinctly hostile to the extension proposal. Tho Progressives and many others argue that this State is just pining for a chance to put a strong— # and not necessarily Labour —-Govern'ment into power, and they profess to bo eager for an early election. It is expected that on Tuesday or Wednesday Mr Holman will announce that a Coalition Government is to be formed; that it will include Mr Holman (as Premier), Mr Wade, and Mr Beeby (who will arrive in the Cabinet room via the Legislative Council); that a majority of the portfolios will bo held by tho present Ministers; and that the Parliamentary term is to be extended by about twelve months. This is the arrangement expected in -well-informed circlcs. It is likely to cause a profound uproar in Political Labour Leagues, and, for the reasons stated, to be subjected to a good deal of hostile criticism.

The name of Mr Griffith is not unknown outside of this State. Ho is the gentleman whose name—though cleared' of all charges—came into an unsatisfactory sort of prominence in the recent, petrol scandal. He has been a conseriptionist, following Mr Holman, and defying tho Political Labour League, by which bodv ho was duly "cxcomnumicated." When the coalition propivsals were announced, however. -"Mr Griffith flung himself furiously into print with the statement that he would have nothing to do with any such objectionable arrangement— that he would sooner be politically dead than associated with the Wade party. Mr Wnde countered heavily. In a brief, dignified letter to the newspapers he said that he had laid it down as a condition to the opening of negotiations that Mr Griffith must disappear from the Cabinet —that the Liberals would decline to enter any Cabinet already hold in ir 31 r Griffith. Mr Wade said that Mr Griffith's moral outburst astonished him—that, he thought that Mr Griffith was acquainted with the Liberals' feelings towards hirq. Mr Griffith lias reappeared in the newsnapers in a wild flurry of scorn, denial, and accusation—but the honours of this encounter appear to be with the veteran Liberal leader.

THE REFERENDUM

To-day, the referendum shows a majority of over 70,000 against conscription. and there arc over 200.000 votes still to bo counted. A few davs ago, there was a majority of 86,000 "Noes," and about 400,000 votes to he counted. So the advocates of "No" do not regard the future pessimistically. A week ago, the conscriptionists were still hopeful. They thought that the soldiers' vote, from abroad, would wipe out the 86.000 majority for "No"— "for," said they, "if the soldiers do not vote almost unanimously for conscription. and give us a majority, why should we worry?" Then came the announcement that, for military reasons —apparently to hide the total number of men abroad—the soldiers' votes would bo thrown in with the two or 'tihre>e hundred thousand 'absentee votes, and distributed over the various States. To-day no one knows whether soldiers' votes are yet included in the total or not. Some suggest that the 200,000 votes still uncounted include those from abroad, and that "Yes" still has a chance, other reports say that the soldiers havo actuallv given a majority for "No." But it is all guesstng. It -will bo a week or ton days before the result is definitely known. _ New South Wales, of course, provided the "No" ciajority. The figures since they provide such abundant material for speculation havo been discussed by a thousand critics, and widclv varying conclusions havo been reached. It is almost- unanimously believed that the voting was not on party nes. and that human selfishness provrd the deciding factor. People shrank from sacrifice. The insistent remind.cr that their country needed them was an empty shibboleth when they contemplated the possibility of parting with a son or brother, or of seeing a cherished business interfered with. It is said that an analysis of the figures shows that thousands of farmers in New South Wales countrv districts voted against conscription because they feared that their business would be dislocated. The totals are disappointing, but not di^

couraging; tho huge vote for "\es shows that, in spite of all, the heart of tho country is sound. Mr Hughes' ha s had nothing to say ; he awaits the final figures. But those who know liira intimately know his private opinion: That such a question as this, in which the real issue mav be so casilv obscured by foolish prejudices and human weaknesses, should bo decided by tho Government. The people mav fairlv decido such questions as the alteration of the Constitution, or the control of ihe drink traffic, but conscription involves individual self-sac-rifice. and a question of iife and death, and it is not every person who can regard it from the national, rather than the personal standpoint. But Mr Hughes could have followed no other course. fo r his Cabinet, controlled through tiio P.L.L. by the trade unions, would never consent to conscription. Mr Hughes considers that, whether tho result be "Yes" or "No" Australia is saved from disgrace by the million men and women who heard their country's call aright. _ and v*>ted for the system that all British people detest.