The Press. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 16. 1886.

Press, Volume XLIII, Issue 6547, 16 September 1886, Page 2

The Press. THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 16. 1886.

We are surprised to find that so many of the leading English newspapers on the Unionist side were so urgent in their advice to Lord Habtijtgton and his followers to go over to the Conservatives. 3Tor our part, we have never thought that it was at all likely that Lord Habtingtoit would join a Salisbury Government, and still less have we thought that it was his duty to do so. Unless we are to suppose that Statesmen like Lord Haetisgtok have no fixed political principles whatever, we cannot see wbat poeeible reason exists at present why Lord Hartes'GTOK should take office with the Conservatives which did not exist after the first of the last two general elections. The sole subject upon which the Liberal party is more agreed with the Conservative party now than it was a year ago is that of resistance to Mr. Gladstone's proposals. On all the other great questions which have hitherto divided them they are still divided. It would, therefore, have been impossible for Lord to have accepted office with Lord Salisbury unless he was prepared to abandon all the principles which he has hitherto professed. Wβ observe that at the time of the formation of .the present Cabinet that is to say some six weeks ago, it was strongly urged in some quarters that Lord Salisbury should endeavor to induce the Duke of Aegtie and Mr. Goschkit to enter his Cabinet, and it was even suggested that the l)uke of Akgtle should be Premier, so as to leave Lord Salisbury free to take the Foreign Secretaryship. It would have been far more rational for these statesmen than for Lord Habtetoton to have joined Lord Salisbury, for they have long been out of touch even with the moderate section of the Liberal party. In fact they have differed from the Liberal party as a whole 80 often and so seriously that our only wonder is that they should care to retain the name of Liberal so long. No doubt in Mr. Goschen's case the desire to work with the Liberals is prompted by his dread of the patronage which the hair-brained section of the Tory party have accorded to certain- exploded economic heresies. The Duke of Abgylb has been so long accustomed to play the part of the candid friend that his mind has acquired that " cross bench " turn which has unfitted him to work easily with any party. He prefers to criticise aIL

Even on the assumption that Lord Habtinotok ie lees of a Liberal than we believe him to be, still his refusal to join the Tories, even for a short time and for the stated purpose of settling the Irish question, is a prudent step. Lord ILvktington has given ample proof, not only of his political courage but also of hie hearty sympathy with all truly Liberal principles. But even supposing that his instincte as a great nobleman, and landed proprietor have caused him to take fright at the progress made by the Socialistic portion of the Liberal party—and of this there has not been much evidence in his speeches daring the last two electoral campaigns—his sound judgment has prevented him from forgetting that the worst thing that could happen to the landed and aristocratic classes would be that they should go over to the Tories as a body. It will be a bad ( day for England when the aristocracy are all in one camp and the democracy in another. The secret of the per. manenee of reforms in England has been that they hare been effected by a party which has always been led by the very flower of the English aristocracy. Lord Hartchgtoit has, therefore, in refusing to join the Tories, shown that he believes that before long the Liberal party may again be united, and capable of working together on the old and sure basis of reasonable compromise between the moderate and the advanced sections, by virtue of which, all the solid political progress of the century has been made.

There can be no doubt, however, that thie action o£ Lord Haktdtgtox hw greatly lesaened the prospects of

a long term of office for the Salisbury Government. Something will doubtleas depend upon the attitude of the Irish party and of the Irish people. If we have anything like another wild outburst of agrarian crime in Ireland, or another season of unreasonable parliamentary obstruction 6n the part of the Parnefiites, the bonds of union between the i nioniet Liberals and the Tories will be strengthened instead of being weakened. There are not wanting signs, however, that the Irish party are now of opinion that time is on their side: that as Mr. Gladstone and a very considerable minority of the Liberal party have declared for Home Eule, it has become no longer neceesary that they should pursue the extreme course which for years past they have thought it was essential in the interests of their cause they should pursue. If this be so, and if they are not irritated by any Coercion Bill—and notwithstanding Lord Salisbury's memorable and injudicious declaration for twenty years of strong government, we may feel sure that he will be in no hurry to bring in any Coercion Bill unless the necessity for it is very apparent — the ties between the Unionist Liberals and Lord Salisbury will become weakened, and it may not be so very long before Lord Salisbury finds it impossible to carry on a Government with the present House of Commons. If so, the only satisfactory result will be another dissolution.

As far as can be judged from the cablegrams received during the present session of Parliament, the Irish Government measures which the Mioistry have promised to introduce after the recess amount to nothing more than a scheme of county government similar to that which has been bo long promised for the rest of the United Kingdom by both parties. Should the Irish party be in the reasonable frame of mind which we have spoken of above, and should they be of opinion that the passage of such a measure will not lessen their chances of getting a larger measure such as they long for, it is even possible that the Government may get their County Bill through Parliament without any very serious trouble. We cannot help thinking that the grant of a large measure of county government to Ireland will rather strengthen the Home Rule cause than otherwise. If it has this effect, and if the cry for Home Rule continues to be as formidable as ever, then it seems to us that there has been nothing said by Lord Haetingtoh during the last election which renders it impossible that he should yield to the force of circumstances, and unite with Mr. CHAMBEBiiAXS' in framing a Home Rule scheme which shall be applicable to England and Scotland as well as Ireland, and take the form of some kind of Federation, capable of extension hereafter to the Colonies. But all this is idle speculation which may prove very wide of the mark. The only thing which is certain is that at present there is no reason to fear that the Liberal party —that great instrument of good as it has- rightly been called—is permanently split up even by the disastrous division temporarily caused by the high-handed and autocratic conduct of their great chief.