The Press. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1867.

Press, Volume XI, Issue 1337, 19 February 1867, Page 2

The Press. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1867.

The English mail, a telegraphic summary of which was received yesterday, brings much interesting and important news from England, the Continent of Europe and America. In England the public mind is still greatly disturbed on the Reform question. Large and excited meetings have been held all over the country, and a grand demonstration is talked of when Parliament meets, when a monster procession is to march to the House of Commons to present in person a petition for a Eeform Bill. Meanwhile the Derby Cabinet is said to be divided. Mr. Disraeli and Lord Stanley are in favor of a large extension of the franchise, which is opposed by the more violent Tories, headed by Lord Cranbourne. This is precisely what was expected to happen, and is the rock on which the Derby Government is like to split. Mr. Disraeli, whose talents have given him the undisputed, but not ungrudged nor wholly trusted, leadership of the Conservative party, has won that position rather by his variance from and utter waut of sympathy with the general tendencies of Liberal feeling than from anyjiearty concurrence in the ordinary creed and prejudices of the Conservatives. And as indeed politics with him are for the most part rather an intellectual exercise than matters of conviction, and as he is entirely free from the thick crust of obstinate antiquated prejudice which blinds the eyes and benumbs the senses of the genuine Tory, lie is as capable as any statesman in England, if once convinced that the state of public feeling imperatively requires it, to prepare a Bill that shall meet the requirements of the country. His very coldness gives him an impartiality wanting to other vigorous party leaders ; the only fear would be lest he should spoil his measure, as in 1800, by some fancy franchises, or other crotcLet, which, however they might be intended, would be taken as an attempt to upset by a side blow all that was accomplished by the Bill itself. Lord Stanley again, with his strong common sense and penetrating though frigid intellect, can equally discern that some extension of the franchise is absolutely necessary, and may be still better trusted in legislating for

the mode and extent of such extension. Did the question rest in the hands of these two men only, we have little doubt that a very large measure of Reform would be brought before Parliament next session, such as th e Liberals could not refuse to accept and to help pass through the House by an immense majority ; and the tone taken by some of the Liberal papers and speakers, who peem anxious to prepossess the public against even looking at any Reform Bill that comes from a Conservative Government, shows that they are fully alive to such a. possibility. But another section of the Cabinet, headed by Lord Cranbourne, is likely to stand resolutely against any such concession. Lord Cranbourne—one of the ablest men on his side of the House— is more a Tory of the old school than a modern Conservative. The strong caste - feeling and latent hatred of democracy, which were so marked in his speeches on the American war, when he urged intervention on behalf of the South, render him an inflexible opponent of any proposal to trust a larger share of political power in the hands of the people ; and he is likely to be followed by a large number of those on whose votes the stability of the Government depends. By which of these two parties the Premier will be guided seems doubtful; but judging from his speeches last session, his inclinations are rather, of the two, with the party opposed to concession. Had that arrangement once talked of been found practicable, by which Lord Stanley was to succeed his father as Premier of the Conserservative Government, we should have regarded a continuance of that party in office even for several years as not at all improbable; but as matters stand, we can only expect a repetition of the history of 1852 —an adverse vote in the Commons; a dissolution, only increasing the opposite majority ; the retirement of the Conservatives, and the return to power of Mr. Gladstone and a Whig Ministry. This sudden revival of the cry for Parliamentary Reform is likely to prove of essential service to the Liberal party, by giving them a definite point on which to concentrate their forces. The questions which i have furnished them so many honorable battlefields —notably, free trade — have now died out, and others are rising on which even advanced thinkers have come to no unanimous conclusion, and the current of opinion has acquired no decided set. The party has therefore to a certain extent become disorganised, and placed at a disadvantage when opposed to the compact closely united ranks of their adversaries. The opportune cry for Reform will band them together once again under the old banner, in a cause for which they have fought their fiercest fight and won their most glorious victory.

Among other events of the month reported in the telegram we find that fearful loss of life has been caused by colliery accidents in Yorkshire. The enquiry into the cause was not completed, and they may of course have been the result of an unavoidable accident ; but it is a painful reflection that whereas science has pointed out means by which explosions—the most common and most disastrous cause of accident — may be almost entirely prevented, the thoughtlessness of workmen, the indifference of owners, and the want of proper inspection, have combined to nullify the protection so supplied. The whole system of colliery inspection and management needs the interference of the Legislature. This sad occurrence has called forth in a remarkable manner the benevolence which forms so striking a feature in the British character. Some foreign notability (we forget who) on visiting London for the first time, expressed himself amazed, not so much at the evidence of wealth that everywhere met his view, as at the extraordinary number of hospitals and charitable institutions, mostly supported by voluntary contributions. Nor is it on such objects only that this spontaneous charity is 'exercised. Whenever in England a case of distress is reported, money, unsolicited, is sure to flow in abundantly to its relief. In this instance the contributions are said to be at the rate of £1000 a day. The Continental news is very scanty. Europe appears at present to remain quiet, though there are signs of coming disturbance—an occasional tremor, showing that the earthquake that so lately shook the Continent has not exhausted its might. Prussia lias been allowed to consolidate her acquisitions, and has now definitely assumed the

position of a first-class power and the mistress of Germany. The

Eastern question is ng;un coming ominously forward; ominous, because here Eussia and England are brought face to face, and if war should arise between two such combatants it will not again be fought out to an end on a remote peninsula of the Black Sea; nor in the altered state of European affairs—the new powers that have sprung up, the new interests that have been created, the alliances that have

been or are likely to be formed —is it possible to foretell what fresh change in the map of the Continent may not be the result of a war that would speedily involve every European power. The telegram has a sentence that " ecclesiastical arrangements have been concluded between the Pope and Italy." We shall be anxious to learn the particulars, for but a month ago few things seemed less likely than that sucli arrangements could be effected. The Papal advisers have learnt wisdom from necessity. It is possible that the counsels of Mr. Gladstone, who is on a visit to Rome and has had interviews with the Pope, have had anything to do with the charge. From America the news is startling. The last mail brought news that Congress had just met, and as the party opposed to the President was in a large majority, expectation was on tip-toe to watch their first move. They have used their advantage swiftly and unsparingly. The telegram informs us that they have passed a Bill depriving the President of his power to pardon persons engaged in the late rebellion, and a Bill excluding from the next Congress the representatives of States not recognised by that now sitting; that they have removed three of the President's supporters; and have procured a report upon the forms to be adopted in impeaching the President before the Senate, finally, a Bill has been passed granting manhood suffrage irrespective of color or district; that is to say, granting the full rights of citizenship to every " black" in the Southern States. Tbese measures amount to an entire reversal of President Johnson's reconstruction policy, and put the climax to Northern trinmph and Southern subjugation. We cannot venture any remarks upon them till the arrival of the mail itself puts us in possession of fuller details.