WAR FOR DEMOCRACY.

Bruce Herald, Volume LIII, Issue 72, 13 September 1917, Page 6

WAR FOR DEMOCRACY.

WHY AMERICA PARTICIPATES. The .spirit in which America * has entered into the war on the side of the Entcnto Powers is clearly expressed in the following editorial from the New York 'Public,' of July 6th. 1917. The 'Public,' it should be stated, has always been a great paeiiist organ. It stood for peace, so long as peace was at all compatible with honour. But, once it was convinced that the two were no longer compatible, once it realised that a true peace, for America and for the world at large, could only be won at the price of war, the 'Public' whole-heartedly followed President Wilson in his espousal of the Allied cause: — 'Some authoritative utterance on the part of British statesmanship as to war aims was overdue. We have it now in Mr Lloyd George's Glasgow speech. It has been welcomed in this country as signalising the harmony of purpose of the Allies. That Britain has made giant strides in the past live months toward a liberal war policy, that her Imperialists and reactionaries are now more discredited than at any time since their complete ascendancy two years ago, no one can doubt. But the declaration will hardly measure up to the high standard set by,the Russians. Reservations and evasions there are in plenty. And they seem so needless. The Allied nations have only to declare their uu- i ' wavering intention to light for liberty j and not for the privilege of cxercis- I ing tyranny anywhere; to devise means for international co-operation on a basis of justice which must be mutual. This is no. aspiration for the impossible. 'ln three months the whole moral aspect of the .world has changed. Only the most poverty-stricken imagination can fail to see it. The two great republics of Russia and America , are Btcpping to the van. The little candles of oppression that think themselves sufficient to light our various countries arc being seen in their petty pal|Cncss against the great sunrise of universal liberty. . Territorial adjust- ! ments are small affairs, once we know | that all the powers concerned are/ peace powers, in which the irresponsibility of ruling persons belongs to their ancient history . No one in this i country has doubted the clean purpose | of Trance. And we know, too, what the great heart of the English masses wants. Every new report bears testimony to the great new vision that is dawning in the British Isles. No one has stated it better than thu Boer soldier and statesman, General Smuts, in his speech in the House of Commons on May 15th: "I think of the difficulties that still lie ahead of us, which are going to test' all the nations lighting for liberty far more than they have ever been tested in the past. t Aud I hope and pray that they all may have clearness of vision and purpose, and especially that strength of soul in the coming days which will, be more necessary than strength of arm. I verily believe that wc are within reach of priceless and immeasurable good, not only for this United Kingdom and group of/nations to which we belong, but also 'for the whole world.'' 'Why could not Mr Lloyd George express this with Ile authority of his position? There is common ground for all the Allies if they will climb up a little. 'America's participation in the war •adds tremendously on the side -of a constructive peace. A peace dictated j by Germany is unthinkable outside of the Central Powers. A treaty drawn | up by the Entente Allies before the : Czar's overthrow might have imposed v unwise conditions on the vanquished.

But the Russian revolt lias changed the whole situation, since it u apparent that peace terms acceptable to the Republic will, be altogether different from those approved by the Czar. Constantinople, to take a single typical illustration, would have been claimed by the Czar's Government, together with a land approach, which would have caused immediate friction, ancl led to innumerable complications in the future. The Republic, however, docs not want territory, and would therefore look with friendly eye upon the proposal to internationalise the Turkish capital and the Dardanelles. How much more must this free incentive toward world-building be increased by the accession of the United States, which wants neither territory nor indemnity, and seeks only the good of all. 'But a constructive and permanent peace is not to be had for the mere wishing. The desire must be based upon thought that takes note of conditions as they arc. Russian revolutionists must not ignore the fact that they are still menaced from without by the same kind of tyranny that they overthrew' within their boundaries; for unless they realise the necessity of overcoming the highwayman who has beset their friends they arc likely to lose their own newly-won freedom. And the people of this country as well as its press, and those in charge of the Government, must realise that , only liberty is a cure for tyranny. The one distinct and ever-recurring note heard throughout this international upheaval is the cry of democracy; and that cry will not be stilled. It is no part of the duty of this country to impose particular forms of government upon other peoples; but it is our duty now that we are in the struggle, .to do out utmost toward enabling o:\eh people to exercise its own sovereignty. The leaven of liberty has so permeated all nations that only the removal of danger from without is necessary to enable the peoples to assert themselves; and wc can make no greater contribution to the cause of freedom than by setting the world an example in the management of our own affairs.'