TAMMANY!
" BOSS" RULE ERA.
A CENTURY OF INFAMY. NEW YORK'S AUGEAN STABLE. The cnse of Jumps J. Hinps. who, Hftpr a mlsK-rrial. is to fnrp a jury a i Hocond time «»n rliur;:*** of protectinjj the Dutch Srlmltz |i<ili<-.T riii-krt. has centred attention on the history of Tammany leßiierx who l«n£ dominated New York City. In this article, the first of a series, n veteran N<-\y York newspaperman recounts tlie betfinu'liirs of the metropolis* "dynasty of dictators" with Home sidelights on political bosses elsewhere. (No- I.) (By WILLIAM C. McCLOY.) NEW YORK. James J. Hines, who, District Attorney Thomas E. Dewey says, will again be brouglit to trial oil a charge of protecting Dutch Schultz's policy mcket, was never the titular boss of Tammany Hall. But he has been, for years, a dominant controlling figure. This was shown at the time the duly elected leader, John F. Curry, wa« removed in 1934. Hines voted against his removal. Before the meeting adjourned. Curry sharply intimated Hines was insincere, and suggested he change his vote to yes. Hines protested, and Curry countered with, "You know what you told me. You directed the whole thing." To run with the hare and hunt with the hounds i« an old Tammany custom introduced into the organisation a century ago by Fernando Wood, founder of New York'* dynasty of dictators. Prior to Wood, groups of cliques ruled. From Wood down, Tammany has enjoyed a single dominating head—for nearly a century: Fernando Wood, William Marcy Tweed, John Kelly, Riclmrd Croker and Charles F. Murphy. Like Hines, they all began in poverty and made fortunes. One, Tweed, died in gaol.
Fernando Wood was an adventurous Quaker, who same to Xcw York from Philadelphia in 1832. The story of his rise to power, though a full century old, is characteristic of all the self-anointed political bosses of New York—and other cities—in any era. Wood began humbly. A cigar-maker by trade, he opened a waterfront grocery, where liquor was sold and friends and allies were easy to cultivate. fie was elected to Congress when 28 years old. John Quincy Adams heard him make a speech in Congress and earnestly told him, "You'll be one of the great men of the country after I am gone." ,
Escaped Trial by a Day. Various business enterprises engaged Wood's attention, and he was the principal figure in a number of commercial scandals. He was accused of robbing a business partner of 8000 dollars. Three referees tried the case and decided Wood had obtained the money under false pretences. The Grand Jury indicted him, but Wood pleaded the Statute of Limitations, and a friendly judge ruled that he escaped trial by one day—the offence charged having been committed three years previously.
In 1850, Wood wa-s nominated for Mayor, but lost the election. He was nominated again in 1854 and was successful. During his first term as Mayor his apparent attitude toward the saloons led New York's temperance advocates to urge his nomination for Governor, and a pious delegation from lowa came all the way to New York to urge him to be a candidate for President. In 1850 he was renominated and re-elected Mayor, and this second term of Wood's was probably the most corrupt that York City has ever [experienced.' Public offices were bought and sold like so much merchandise. John Blgelow, veteran editor, who knew Wood personally throughout his entire public life, said: "Fernando Wood was the handsomest man I ever saw—and the most corrupt man who ever sat in the Mayor's chair." Two authenticated instances of the public corruption under Wood give a clear idea of his methods. The most successful grafting proposition of the day was the cleaning of the streets. When the contracts were opened for Wood's second term, the lowest responsible bidder offered to do the work for 105,000 dollars. The contract was awarded to Andrew J. Haekley for 279,000 dollars. When Haekley applied for his contract, he found he could not get it approved by the Common Council until he placed 46,000 dollars in a certain room in City Hall. Even after this had been done, the Mayor was reluctant to sign the contract —indeed, he refused to sign it until Haekley agreed to hand over to Benjamin Wood, Fernando's brother, one-quarter of th® profits—69,7so dollars a year. This brother of the Mayor's was owner of a chain of lotteries operating throughout the South. For many profitable years Ben Wood w<b» t owner and controller of lotteries In" many cities—a sort of legalieed Dkitcln Schulta. ~\-'l
Auctioned the City HalL The second enlightening instance was the Lowber affair. Xew York City paid Robert AY. Lowber 190.000 dollars for a parcel of ground officially declared to be worth only fio,ooo dollar®, and to twothird,, of which it was proved, Lowber had no title. Controller Fla<™* cliarroH that both Mayor Wood and°the Common Council were parties to this sale. l'iom this resulted one of the most I extraordinary incidents in Xew York's extraordinary political history. The courts decided later in favour "of Low ber and. Comptroller Flagg refused to pay the claim on the ground G f no funds being "applicable," Lowber caused the nu. H'.'l JBr>B - to »•«««„ t i, e 't> " all equipment and paint- . 7; S ' a J"«lgment of 228,000 dollais, including damages, costs and interest. Mayor Tiemann— whom the reformers had put in office in place of f°'n nn!> 1 11° ( ,ty " aU in fl "- of .>O.OOO dollars, and turned it over to the city again when reimbursed' The crowning folly of Wood's later days was Ins proposal that the citv of -New 1 ork declare itself a free citv at the outbreak of the Civil War. Xo Northern man was in favour of that and Xew \ ork was a northern citv It was one of those unforgettable things which no politician, however ao-ile can live down. e '
Hut Wood's in and out relations with a 111 many had changed the organisation greatly. Ik-fore his advent, it had been subject to constantly changing control due to the cliques and combinations which were formed overnight. Wood without setting out to do so, demonstrated the power and possibilities of centralising control in one man—a dictator Previously, a half-dozen leaders would get together and decide on nominations that were to be sold. Sometimes there were so many in the deal that the dividends would be hardlv worth going after. Nobody in Tammany understood this better' than William Marcy Tweed, who had been scheming for a long time to overthrow Wood On January 1, 1863, Tweed became permanent chairman of the Tammany Society—and the political saturnali'a began.—X.A.X.A.
(To be Continued.)
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Auckland Star, Volume LXIX, Issue 254, 27 October 1938, Page 14
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1,109TAMMANY! Auckland Star, Volume LXIX, Issue 254, 27 October 1938, Page 14
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