SOVIET KILLINGS.

Auckland Star, Volume LXIX, Issue 119, 23 May 1938, Page 11

SOVIET KILLINGS.

WHAT TROTSKY SAYS. "VOLUNTARY" CONFESSIONS. A WARNING TO BRITAIN. (By LEOST TROTSKY.) MEXICO CITY. If human memory were more tenacious the Moscow trials would be absolutely impossible. The Gt'U breaks the spine of defendants, and one has become accustomed to this. But in the same breath the CPU attempts also to break the spine of historical processes; that is more difficult. In the Zinovieff-Kameneff trial (August, 1930) the defendants faced the accusation of Inning formed a liaison of a purely police character with the German Gestapo. The principal defendants denied this accusation. Public opinion refused to swallow it. In January, 1937, Karl Radek and G. L. Piatakofi' faced trial in order to revitalise AttorneyGeneral Andrey Vishinsky's too primitive schemata. By their testimony it became no longer a question of sordid espionage, but of an international bloc of Trotsky - ists with German and Japanese Fascism for the purpose of overthrowing the U.S.S.R. and the Western democracies. This manner of presentation coincided not accidentally in time with the flowering of the politics of the Popular Front. Upon the banner of Soviet diplomacy, and consequently of the Communist International, was emblazoned the slogan of a military bloc of the democracies against the Fascist countries. At this juncture the Trotskyists inevitably had to be ticketed as agents of the Fascist bloc. The picture was clear and simple. But surprisingly, with Fascist Italy, the Trotskyists were not accused of having entered into an alliance. The reason was that Soviet diplomats did not wish to hinder the attempts of England and Fiance to wean Italy from Germany, and allowed for the eventuality that tomorrow Moscow herself might have to present a smjling face in the direction of Rome.

_ In groat measure the same considerations had bearing on Polish relations; it was hoped that France would maintain Poland in its sphere of influence. In "baring" their international intrigues the defendants scrupulously conformed to the calculations of Soviet diplomacy. They might try to kill Stalin, but not maim the politics of foreign Commissar Maxim Litvinoff. The Trotsky Alliances. The preparation of the present trial coincided with a period of the withering of hopes and illusions in the People's Front and the bloc of d. mocratic Powers. England's policy oi» Spain, the visit of Lord Halifax to Berlin, the about-face of London in the di.ection of Rome, and finally the subst ; tution of Lord Halifax for Anthony Eden—all these were the diplomatic signposts which determined the new ccutents of the "voluntary" confessions of the defendants. The design of the P.adekPiatakoff trial, according to which the Trotskyists were agents of the Fascist bloc (sans Italy), was rejected as inopportune. The defendants appear now as agents of Germany, Japan, Poland and England. The liaison with Germany shed 6 its Fascist hue because it is row said to have begun in 1921 when Germany was under the banner of Weinu.r democracy. The collaboration with England is said to have begun in 192 C, 11 years before the Radek-Piatakoff trial. But Karl Badek, according to Vishinsky's interpretation, candidate for the post of Foreign Minister for the Trotskyists, knew nothing of Trotsky's alliance with Great Britain. At the beginning of 1937 England was a "democracy"; with the departure of Eden, it is once again the hub of Imperialism. Litvinoff has made up his mind to show London his b'arc-d teeth. And promptly the defendants echo this in their testimony. Until very recently the war in the Far East signified the march of Japanese Fascism against the Anglo-Saxon democracies. Now Moscowlets it be known that it is ready to efface the line of demarcation between Japan and Great Britain; both of them are plotting with the Trotskyists against the Soviet regime. The testirnony'of K. G. Eakovsky, according to whL-n'lie and I are made out to be agents of the British Intelligence Service, is hi reality a diplomatic warning to the Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain. The Polish Complexes.

The tardiness in including Poland among the countries compromised by an alliance with the Trotskyists has a twofold cause, a greater and a lesser one. The Polish orientation towards Germany became more definite with the recent volte face of British politics. Forgotten are the times (1033) when Stalin invited Marshal Pilsudski to the celebration of the October revolution. Moscow gives Warsaw to understand that she entertains no illusions concerning Poland's neutrality, and that, in the event of war, Poland will have to stand prepared to become the arena for clashes between the U.S.S.R. and Germany. "By way of the wagging tongues of the defendants, Litvinoff threatens Colonel Josef Beck. The second reason why Poland could have been mentioned only in the present trial is that the chief "diplomat" of the second trial, January, 1937, Radek, could not have included his Polish quasifatherland in the list of "Trotskyist" countries. It was Radek himself who, in 1933, made a triumphal journey to Warsaw, was feted by Pilaudski, and spoke glowingly of the future happy relations between the two countries, both products of the revolution. The world Press featured the forthcoming military alliance between the U.S.S.E. and Poland. Inasmuch as Radek made his theatrical visit not as an agent of Trotsky but as Stalin's envoy, it was especially difficult for Radek to tie Poland in with Trotskyism. France and U.S.A. Still Up Sleeve. This task was laid upon the head of the present defendant, V. F. Sharangovich. The names of France and of the United States have not yet been dragged in. These two countries are being retained as remnants of the conception of "the bloc of democracies" against the Fascist bloc. 1(7 is true that Rakovsky has confessed to criminal alliances with French industrialists and journalists; but the alliances are concerned with opponents of the People's Front. If through the testimony of Rakovsky concerning the intelligence service. Litvinoff is trying to compromise Chamberlain's Government, then, on the contrary, through the testimony of the same Rakovsky concerning the French industrialist, Xikole, and the journalist, Bure. Litvinoff wishes to perform a friendly service for the Government of the People's Front. In any case, the defendants remained true to themselves; even in their most "perfidious" deals with foreign States they assiduously safeguarded the diplomatic, plans of the Kremlin. , ~j

The silence about France is especially eloquent in its absurdity. France almost until the end of 1933 was considered in Moscow to be the chief enemy of the U.S.S.R. Second place was occupied by Great Britain. Germany was counted as ' a friend. In the judicial trials of the '"Industrial party*' (1930) and "Men-' shevic Union Bureau" (1931) France \v.v invariably found to be the home of hostile intrigue. Meanwhile, the Trotskyists, who had begun to make connections with the enemies of the U.S.S.R. in 1921 (when they with Lenin constituted the power) completely avoided France, as if they had forgotten its existence. Xo. they had forgotten nothing; they simply foresaw the future Franco-Soviet Fact and were wary about creating any difficulties for Litvinov in 1935. Another Face About Turn. How fortunate for Yishinsky that people have such short memories? After my exile to Turkey, the Soviet Press called me nothing less than "Air. Trotsky." "Pravda," on March 8, 1929, devoted almost a full page to proving "Mr. Trotsky" (not Heir Trotsky) was factually in alliance with Winston Churchiil and Wall Street. The article ended with the following words: "It is now clear why the bourgeoisie pays him tens of thousands of dollars!" Payment was then made in dollars, not marks.

On July 2, 1931, "Pravda." printed a forged facsimile, which was to have proved that I was an ally of Pilsudsky and the defender of the Versailles Treaty against the U.S.S.R. and Germany. This was at a moment of increasing friction with Warsaw, two years before the plans for the SovietPolish alliance had arisen. On March 4, 10.'!3, when Hitler already sat firmly in the saddle, "Investia," the official organ of the Government, announced the U.S.S.R. to be the only country in the world which does not hear any hostility towards Germany, "and this regardless of the form and composition of the Government of the Reicli." The French semi-official newspaper "Le Temps," wrote on April 8, "At the titno of Hitler's coming to power, European public opinion concerned itself avidly with this event, and there were lively commentaries on it; the Moscow papers kept silent." Stalin was still hoping for friendship with Fascist Germany. This is not to be wondered at, since at that time I was still a, supposed agent of the Entente. The Trotsky Whirligig. On July 24, 1933, with the permission of Daladier's Government I came to France. Immediately the Communist newspaper, "L'Humanitc," the Paris organ of Soviet diplomacy, proclaimed: "From France this anti-Soviet hotbed Trotsky will attack the U.S.S.R. Here is the strategic point and that is" why Mr. Trotsky has come here." But at that time I could already have celebrated the twelfth year of my service for Germany! Such are some of the political landmarks on the road to the present trial. The amount of data and quotations could be increased without end. But even so the conclusion is clear. The "perfidious actions" of the defendants represent only the negative complement to the diplomatic combinations of the Government. The .situation changed; the diplomatic calculations of the Kremlin changed. Likewise the content of the "betrayal" of the Trotskyists changed, or more accurately, the contents of their testimony about their alleged betrayals. Tn addition, and this is most significant, to-day's combinations of Moscow give the impetus for a complete reconstruction of events of the pa*t 20 years. In 1937 my old friendship with Winston Churchill, Pilsiulski and. Dnlndicr was forgotten. I became an ally of Pwlolf He=s and a cousin of the Mikado. In the indictment of 193R my old calling as an agent of France and the United States was found to be completely irrelevant: on the other hand, my forgotten friendship with British Imperialism received exceptional prominence.— N.A.N.A.