BEHIND THE CABLES

Auckland Star, Volume LXVIII, Issue 160, 8 July 1937, Page 19

BEHIND THE CABLES

END OF CONFERENCE. PUBLIC HAS WRITTEN IT OFF. SOMETHING ON THE CREDIT SIDE. (By S. COX and J. A. MULGAN.) LONDON, June 19. Cabled reports yesterday from New Zealand show that opinion there, as reflected, at least, in newspapers, is disappointed at the small results and the absence of any definite decisions which have been obtained by this Imperial Conference. In this matter distance and the selection of newt* which a cable service makes imperative have been an advantage and there is no doubt that experienced observers-here would agree with the Dominion point of view. In England the publicity *wl attention which the conference reoOfcmA was of a rather empty kind—an<l the general public here must have written it off as a long series of State functions and garden parties—but all thie devotion to glamour has tended to give England a much more flattering picture of the conference than it deserves. On the other hand, there has been so little definite news to report, mainly because the most important, deliberations were in secret. There was a good deal of leakage during the first week, much to the scandal of the British Home Office, which is punctilious in those respects; and after that the ceneorship was tightened up.

One or two things can be put on the credit side. We understand that the "defence committee" made some veryclear and definite agreements. This committee, which was entirely dissociated from political considerations and from discussions of foreign policy, worked on the basis that the whole Empire would bo at war together; and it resolved itself into the British experts telling the Dominions what they could expect and what they, the British, would expect. The Canadians here, led by the forceful and intelligent Dunning, continued outwarcllv to decline even the discussion of hypothetical commitments, but since their role is to be feeding Britain— probably at war prices—this was not obstructive; Britain made it clear that her main endeavour was going to be to keep the Atlantic trade routes open for her food sliip-;. Pacific Shipping. Then there was a strong measuro of agreement about the Pacific shipping question. Prime Minister Lyons stole most of the publicity again in this country on that matter, but there was a heartening amount of approval on all sides. Furthermore, the early attempt which we described, to write off the League of Nations, verbally as well «s actually,, was defeated. This means that tic frame work remains and that if there eve; 'is a world settlement, with or witn-

out another war, the Empire is more or less committed to building it round Geneva.

As for foreign policy in Europe, the disturbing element here in the later stages turned, out to be the South Africans, who kept up a strong proGerman attack. Their representatives made the old charges against the Treaty of Versailles, said that on no account would South Africa be sympathetic if England became involved in a war through the Franco-Soviet pact; maintained that Germany should be given a free hand in the east of Europe, that Britain should not continue to help the French in ringing her round, but should make a western pact and then keep out.

Two oddly dissimilar reasons lay behind this, line of policy. First of all, in | the background of the Cape, is Oswald Pirow, South Africa's strong man, a dictator in embryo. Pro-German »n sympathy, like a large section of Capo population, he wants, nevertheless, his own dictators]) ip, not under German tutelage. And this leads to the second reason. For to date the strongest opposition to any sort of colonial settlement with Germany has come from South Africa and has been publicly voiced by Pirow amongst others. They have been having their dwn direct troubles with Germany over the treatment of Germans in South-west Africa, where they are discriminating against all those who refuse to take British citizenship. (This is all part of the Pirow movement, as is the anti-native legislation there, towards an "all South African" State.) Germany occupied and satiated in central Europe would be less of a potential threat to them than she is now. German Rapprochement. This works in well with the new British move for an understanding with Germany which we described in recent letters. " Definite confirmation is to be seen in the visit, scheduled for next week, of Baron von Neurath, Hitler's Foreign Minister, to this country. Thie pleasant, comfortable-looking, middleaged diplomat spent his early years in France, long years as ambassador at Rome, and so La intimate with Mussolini and the Italian situation. He has juet concluded a further Balkan tour. Now the invitation to England ie, we understand, at the direct instigation of Neville Chamberlain, who is celebrating his accession to office by an attempt to give Britain the definite foreign policy which she has lacked for so long. (Dominion reresentatives at the conference were greatly struck by the brisk and businesslike way in which he took over from Baldwin there. But with a greater appearance of decision, he is less likely to get his own way than Baldwin was.) The Dominions have done a great deal to encourage Chamberlain in this attempt and have ajrrecd privately to conversations with Neurath which will embrace the colonies question and demand a measure of disarmament. (A characteristic of all Dominion spokesmen at the conference as against the British representatives was their desire to have some time limit set to the present armaments race.)

The present moment is more favourable to Hitler than it has been for several months. Recent executions in Russia havei done mor6 to weaken, the Franco-Soviet' pact than" anything;" the

critical situation in Fiance affere further encouragement. Now, if ever, is the time to break.the pact, to negotiate with British help a western settlement which will leave Germ-any free in the east. The Dominions, with the exception of South Africa, deprecated any partial settlement of the European question; but the Chamberlain-led British Government is in favour of anything that oii'ers peace near home. Von Neuliith, next week, will be reasonable on the colonies question and will probably offer withdrawal from Spain—the assumption being that Mussolini, now committed there, can manage alone. Most alarming to anyone who takes a longer view are the signs which go with of trouble between Germany and Czechoslovakia: the German demands and threats of reprisals for the imprisonment of the Czech-Germ an Weigel—it happened last November but the publicity and threats have just begun; the carrying by all German newspapers of an alleged frontier incident; the. signs that von Neurath's Balkan tour has broken the Little Entente and reports that yesterday's meeting of the three premiers on the Danube did not mend it. The German threat to which has slept for several months is waking up again.