BEHIND THE CABLES.

Auckland Star, Volume LXVII, Issue 237, 6 October 1936, Page 6

BEHIND THE CABLES.

ENGLAND WEEK BY WEEK. (By G. S. COX and J. A. MULGAN.) LONDON", September 12. The annual British Trades Union Congress at Plymouth and the Nazi party rally at Nuremberg, and the question raised there of the restoration of German colonies, have been the outstanding features of the political situation here this week. The Trades Union Congress meeting at Plymouth was of first-rate importance because the T.U.C. hold,? the purse strings of the Labour party and has no hesitation in calling the party's tune. The outstanding issues were the policy to be adopted towards Spain and towards the growing desire for a Popular . Front, combining Labour, the Liberals, Communists and all progressive forces in Britain. By an overwhelming majority the Congress decided to stand firm by its policy of nonintervention in Spain. There has been in the last two or three weeks a steady increase of feeling in favour of assisting the Spanish Government, by the provision of arms. This would be perfectly legal, and Mr. Herbert Morrison, leader of the Labour London County Council, and usually thought of as one of the more conservative of Labour politicians, has pointed out that the present policy of not supplying either side with arms amoitnts to sanctions against the Spanish Government. But the Congress, believing that help to the Government foipes in Spain would bring war with Germany and Italy, clung to nonintervention—a striking contrast to its deci- j sion last year to support sanctions against Italy. Sir Walter Citrine, secretary and. dominant figure of the T.U.C., admitted that only force would stop German and Italian Fascism, but refused to admit that he thought such force should be used. Leaders Out of Touch? The United Front issue was side-stepped, though the chairman, Mr. A. H. Findlay, made some indecisive references to it in his introductory -speech. British organised trades unionists have, therefore, clung to the more conservative line followed since (and in fact during) the general strike. But it is by no means certain that the present leaders of the T.U.C. represent the view of the rank and file of the workers of this country. There is a widespread feeling that Sir Walter Citrine, Mr. Ernest Bevin (the burly strong man of the movement) and other members of the T.U.C.'s General Council have got out of touch with the growing left-wing feeling in the unions. Not a few workers regard the present T.U.C. leaders as men who have got good jobs under the present economic system and do not want to see that system changed. "They earn their living by being nuisances to the capitalist system, and therefore they want that system to keep going," is a remark one often hears.

At Nuremberg. The Nazi Party Congress, which opened this week at Nuremberg:, is a very different affair to the sombre-suited, tobacco-hazed meetings of the T.U.C. The parades of troops, Storm Troops, Hitler Youth and Labour Servicemen who marched past Hitler in the okl town square of Nuremberg provide a spectacle the brilliance of which even the most ardent antiNazi will admit.

In tne heart of it stands Hitler, arm outstretched, in his dark, gleaming Mercedes car. Past him, with bands thundering, standards glinting in the sunlight and the "thud, thud, thud of boots ringing on the cobbles, march the columns of field grey, khaki, black uniformed men. Even for a foreigner it is difficult not to be swept by emotion at tie sight. Hue. one feels, history is being made. Here is one rliaring in an hour of glorious life. Why pause to think why these troops are marching, whether they are not tramping directly towards war? No wonder in the face of (h' J the German is apt „o forget his undernourished children ("Guns are more important than butter," says Goebbels), his lowered wages, his harder working conditions, and think only of the glory of Germany and Adolf Hitler—which is precisely what Adolf Hitler wants him to do.

Hatred of Russia. For the Nuremberg Party Congress is Germany's greatest piece of window-dressing, aimed at appeasing discontent at home, at impressing public opinion abroad. This year it has been marked by two things—an increased bitterness in the attacks on Soviet Russia, and a broad hint that Germany wants her colonieß back. The attacks on Russia are meant partly for internal consumption. Hitler, like the late Lord Northcliffe, founder of the modern popular Press, knows that "the public likes nothing better than a good hate." Russia at the moment is held up in Germany as the chief object of hatred. Hitler also, of course, wants to secure the support of other nations in Western Europe by appearing as the bulwark against "the Communist menace." Though there are certainly few signs of the invasion of Europe by Russia of which Hitler talks. f ennany.i call for the return of her colonies fell on deaf ears in Britain. There is 110 real question or Hitler being given back any of the mandated territories. The only people who support such a redistribution, apart from some blindly pro-German groups wlio see Hitler as a knight in shining armour who can do 110 harm, are the left-wing parties. And they are certainly not going to support the handing over of territory to Hitler. The Conservative mandates committee has already called for a Government reassurance 011 this point, and it will get it. The most Hitler can hope for —and this is perhaps what he is after—is a portion of Portuguese East Africa, should j Portugal be brought to part with it. j