BEHIND THE CABLES.

Auckland Star, Volume LXVII, Issue 24, 29 January 1936, Page 6

BEHIND THE CABLES.

ENGLAND FACES 1936

(By J. A. MULGAN and G. S. COX.)

LONDON. The year which lias Just closed has been marked in England by two things in particular —a substantial degree of economic recovery, and by the acceptance, by a majority of the people, of a League of Nations policy in foreign affairs. Industry, fostered by a stimulated building boom, by subsidies to farming, shipping and other branches of production, and helped by a similar revival in America, whose conditions always react quickly on England, has improved steadily. In December, 1935, the number of unemployed was less than at any time since 1929. Banks' clearings showed an increase of 5.8 per cent since 1934 and Stock Exchange clearings an increase of 0.0 per cent. With this as a background, the British public was able to give itself up wholeheartedly to the festivities of the Royal Jubilee. Held in glorious weather in May, this called forth one of those rare manifestations of national sentiment which the English permit themselves. Throughout the year, too, tourists poured in from all parts of the world, and London became known as Europe's gayest capital. A newspaper controversy even arose as to whether it was not more wicked than Paris. But over this sceno have hung the dark clouds of threatening war, coming at times closer than at any period since 1918. The result has been an intensified interest in foreign affairs by the man in the street. He has realised that, since London will be well in the path of any air raid in another war, lie lias a personal concern in his country's relations with foreign Powers. And during 1935 he found himself faced with the necessity of making up his mind on the question of the League of Nations. Was Britain to make the League really effective by supporting it fully, even if it meant the risk of war?

The Sanotions Controversy. Mussolini's attack 011 Abyssinia, of course, brought this question to a head. Here was a violation of all which the League stood for taking place right on our own doorstep and not in distant Manchuria or the Chaco. It came, moreover, oil top of Hitler's announcement of Germany's return to conscription, which awoke once more the bogy of pre-war Prussian militarism. Throughout the late summer and early autumn the problem of League or 110 League, sanctions or 110 sanctions, was debated in the Press, 011 the platform, over the air, in countless homes, factories and offices. Public opinion was divided into three chief groups. The Isolationists, chiefly Conservative in political colour, and headed by the vehement Rotliermere and Beaverbrook Press, cried, "Arm and Keep Out." Another section of the Conservatives, to which Mr. Baldwin and Sir Samuel Hoare, by the support they gave to the recently-abandoned Paris peace proposals, have shown themselves as belonging, wished to keep the League in existence, but to follow as well a policy of rearmament and of alliances 011 the lines of the old pre-war diplomacy. Opposed to these were the Sanctionists, headed, after a month of indecision, by the Labour party. They advocated a wholehearted support of the League and the imposition of sanctions to stop Italy. They were helped by the fact that, in July, over ten million had voted in a Peace Ballot organised by the League of Nations Union, for support of the League, and by the indignation which Mussolini's attack 011 a small country aroused, on the lines of the "Poor Little Belgium" feeling during the Great War. A fourth group, of Christian pacifists, believing in 110 sanctions and 110 arms, was headed by "Uncle George" Lansbury, the veteran leader of the Labour party, who resigned his leadership because he would not agree to a sanctions policy.

a There is not space here to trace the events '. which led to the majority of the people of rl Britain taking up a pro-League and prois Sanctionist view. The high lights are the i warmth with which Sir Samuel Hoarc's speech Mat Geneva in September, in which he hinted that colonial territories might even be redis--1 tri'outed voluntarily in the cause of peace, was ! received, and the indignation which swept the ! country and drove the same statesman from 1 office a few weeks ago when it was discovered ' that he had renounced this view and was pre- ' pared to allow Mussolini to take his pickings in Abyssinia. But it is safe to say that by ' the end of 1035 the majority of the British ■ people had come to the conclusion that only by supporting the League to the full could peace he obtained. Decisive Election. Foreign affairs were a deciding factor in the general election, which was rushed on in November by the National party, who managed in this way to turn to their account the good feeling aroused in the country by their pro-League policy in the previous few weeks. The size of their victory was remarkable in view of their unpopularity earlier in the year, when their new unemployment regulations brought forth such a storm of protest and of demonstrations that they had to be withdrawn, and when the jugglings of Sir ,Tolin Simon and Mr. Mac Donald, in foreign affairs caused antagonism even amongst their own members. With these events occupying the centre of the stage, Empire matters slipped into the background, except for some anxiety as to the attitude the Dominions would take up towards Britain's League commitments. The meat talks during the summer attracted no great publicity. One is constantly reminded, indeed, that, for the moment, the old Imperial idea is dying in the minds of most people in the United Kingdom, and that no new one has arisen to take its place. New Zealand, however, came into headline news in November when the victory of Labour was announced, and the papers suddenly remembered that this was the Dominion which had once led the world in social legislation. Economic Problems. This year the whole question of Britain's attitude towards the import of food from foreign countries and from the Dominions will • come up for consideration, as many as the agreements—the so-called "Black Pacts"—with : foreign countries expire then. Some form of ■ tariff to provide subsidies for the British i farmer is being advocated.

The struggle between the farmers and tlie milk distributors over the price of milk, which led to threats of the farmers doing their own distributing, and provided one of the major agricultural events of 1935, is still unsettled. An inquiry into distributing costs is under wav.

I In foreign affairs' 1930 will see the conclusion of tlie Xaval Conference, which is likely to achieve only an announcement bv each Power of the number of ships it proposes to build in the future. Oil sanctions, which come up for consideration at Geneva at the end of January, will raise the question as to whether the League is really going to hamstring Mussolini, and will provide Mr. Eden with his first great test as Foreign Secretary. This debonair, velour-hatted, ex-Eton, exArmy statesman is the outstanding political figure of the moment. Mr. Baldwin's mana suffered a terrible blow when he had to admit his mistake in agreeing to the now dead Paris peace proposals. Mr. Attlee, the Labour party leader, who is one of the lesser men with whom Mr. Ramsay Mac Donald surrounded himself in the councils of the Labour party, inspires little confidence.

So England goes forward into 1930 feeling that the threat of war for the moment at least lias faded into the background, and that there is more work and more money. But how long these will last few are questioning.