CHANGED ITALY.

Auckland Star, Volume LXVI, Issue 264, 7 November 1935, Page 19

CHANGED ITALY.

MUSSOLINI EXPLAINS.

AIMS AT EXPANSION

3PBEEDOW: OF ACTION WANTED

Tie motives underlying Italy's attempt to secura "a little place in the sun" are clearly set out by Signor Mussolini in an interview recently with jlr. Arnold Wilson, editor of the "Nineteenth Century and After." II Duce drew attention to the change that had come over the Italian people since the Great War and contended that the claims of Italy in Ethiopia had been recognised in successive treaties. In addition, he claimed the right of free* dom of action in pursuing his policy for territorial expansion and pointed out that Italy would do no less in Ethiopia than other Powers had done elsewhere, j

"On Saturday, September 14, I had the honour to' be received by Signor Mussolini at the. Palazzo Venezia," writes Mr. Wilson. "It was the first time I had seen him. Sitting at his table, not in uniform, speaking in French, softly and without emphasis, ]ie outlined the change that had come over the Italian people since_ 1914, when the movement in favour of intervention on the side of the Allies in the Great War awoke ambitions long dormant but never dead, and hopes that an earlier peneration had long cherished, of which the Treaty of Versailles brought no realisation. He spoke of the new Risortdmento, the fruits of which would he reaped by tlie sons and daughters of its creators. 'We look on life— the good life—as a struggle; wo must force" ourselves to confront difficulties, not to avoid them by diplomatic formulae. There is no easy path. That is true of the life of a nation; it is not less true of the life of an individual.' 'Capitalism Dead in Italy.* "I commented upon the growth of Home, remarking that Italy and Germany seem to be almost alone in Europe to-day in encouraging and initiating expenditure on public works of every sort. 'Capitalism as Europe knew it,' he replied, ' is dead in Italy,' yet individual initiative was never more alive; the sense of individual responsibility never stronger, but t!i3 financial responsibility of a man to-day, in the eyes of the law, was not only to his banker or to his heirs, but to the society of which he forms a part. The agricultural production of Italy was slowly rising, thanks to the labours of private owners and tenants of land, who had been cajoled, educated and, where need be, hnstled to improve their methods. Private ownership was a good, indeed, far the best, system of management of land, provided that the owners performed their functions.

"There was room in the Fascist State for traditionalists, room for men and women content to pursue the daily round and common task. They gave beauty to life and stability to society, and best of all to the family. But in Italy to-day they were no longer exploited by the clever few. They were iow guided by men who had no object in view but the public welfare.

"I mentioned our own record of housing, road construction and the like in England. 'At heart I really care less for-these material advances than to a change in the spirit of men,' he answered. 'If economic changes are to do good, there must be a change of "spirit, to give significance and permanent value to any improved standard of living. A nation would not in the long run be happier or better 'for an extra pair of boots and a little more butter all round. In Italy, as perhaps nowhere else, a spiritual change has occurred. Is it not overdue elsewhere?'

"Two school mottoes from the Aeneid came to my mind as he spoke:

'Spiritus intus alit, totamque infusa per. artus.'

'Mens agitat molem, magnoque sc corpore miscet.'

"He went on, by a natural transition, to describe' how Italy now desired 'a little place in the tropical sun' hitherto denied her by those Powers who had" secured such a place for themselves in most ample measure before the war, and had taken for themselves, by the ingenious device of mandates, the outlying provinces of Turkey and all the German colonies. England and' France between them had taken over all Ai-abia except the Empty Quarter, and, jointly with the Dominions, had become residuary legatees of all German colonies. To Italy fell only a few Elands. "Darkest Africa." "The prior claims of Italy in Ethiopia had never been in doubt since the days of Massowah. They had been recognised in successive treaties. The inliabitants of Abyssinia consisted of 3,000,000 Semitic (not negro) Amharas, holdingthe mountains. Their occupation was war, their culture based on the servitude of, the 9,000.000 negroes who inhabit the skirts of the plateau. They were in, but not of, Ethiopia, having endured, under the rule of Addis Ababa, in the past half-century, miseries comparable to those which descended on the Sudan in the days of the Mahdi. Here was "Darkest Africa,' as H. M, Stanley had described it. To bring light to that continent Stanley had laboured unselfishly, and he was one of the first men in England actively to encourage the Italian desire to play her part in the opening up of that continent. England had encouraged Italy to go to Massowah to co-operate against the Mahdi, who in a decade had reduced the population of the Sudan bv a third. The treaties of 1906 and 1925 must be read in the light of current events at the time they were written, but also of the subsequent happenings. England might forget the past history of this part of the'world, but Italians could not do so. "A Menace to Italy." "Abyssinia had no place in the League, and, except under European control, could only be a menace to Italy. All the regions that Menelik and his predecessors had conquered, mere colonies of predatory warriors, must come under direct Italian administration! He had on January 29 assured Great Britain that her interests would he fully and amply safeguarded 'up to 100 per cent.' He had asked Great Britain on that date to enter intodirect discussion on the subject of Ethopia. He had been told that the question required long and careful consideration, and had heard no more. All he now asked was what Europe had never failed in the past to accord to Great Britain —freedom of action, laissez faire—and if the reply was given that the outlook of the peoples of Europe as to rights of nations to live and to grow had been changed by the Treaty of Versailles and by the League of Xations, he was bound to reply thai many historical events had occurred since 1918, including the birth of Fascism. The Treaty of Versailles was an instrument of-territorial ea^ansiori—

the greatest that the world had known— but it was' not the last. It -was now Italy's turn. Were there really serious statesmen in England who were willing to convert a colonial quarrel into a European war? He did not profess to know their innermost thoughts, but he knew his own mind. Would the attitude of the Great Powers be decided ultimately by consideration of internal politics and the balance of parties in the next election? There' seemed some indications that these factors carried weight. When a decision was taken at Geneva, would England and France take refuge behind one or two small dissenting Powers in order to shield themselves from the consequences of dangerous gestures, or, alternatively, would the small powers decide on sanctions but place the responsibility for action squarely upon the proper shoulders ? There was no room for compromise. Italy would do no less in Ethopia than other powers had done elsewhere; she could learn from their experience as well as her own. She would use her own funds, raise her own internal loans, and with her own hand 3 make a worthy contribution to the work of civilisation. No Display of Enthusiasm. "I left Rome at 4 o'clock on Sunday morning for Naples—of the great cities of Italy the fairest," adds Mr. Wilson. "There at 8 o'clock I saw hundreds of mules being taken on board a transport. In the afternoon I saw a regiment march through the streets to th? quay. The sun was hot and the men looked tired. There was no attempt at organised rejr-icings, no flags or flowers. The men had not been tuned up round the. corner and given rest and refreshment before making their farewell appearance. They must have been six or eight hours under arms in their heavy kit. There was no display of popular enthusiasm, any more than there would be at Southampton, for this was not a local regiment, and the people of Naples are no more likely to applaud a regiment from Turin than the population of Liverpool would welcome a regiment from the home counties. It is, of course, arguable that this was proof of bad management, but on the other hand it suggests to a soldier complete confidence in the public. But in (Germany how different things would have been, how. well organised the decorations, how spontaneous the applause! Spectacular effects have, of course, been secured by organisation in Italy as in every other country, and they have had their place on occasions at Naples recently. But it seemed clear that the local military authorities did not regard it as necessary on this occasion—Mussolini, like the other dictators of Europe, has arisen from the people; he works for them and they look to him. Rich men—and they are few —and the middle class (which is very small) stand to lose much, if not all, but their influence on events is negligible at the moment. Fascism Deeply Rooted. "Fascism is deeply rooted in Italy as Communism in Russia, Hitlerism in Germany, and Parliamentary democracy in England. To fight it is to oppose a nation, and. most Italians believe that hatred of Fascism, not love of the Covenant or care for Ethiopia, is dominant at Geneva. The Italian people have read in the Press all that the representatives of France and Great Britain have said. They know what the Press of Paris and. London are saying. They and their rulers remain outwardly unmoved, calm and courteous to their critics. Their course is set. The captain is on the bridge. Were he to die the course would be changed to-morrow. On the ethics' of Italian policy I offer no comment—the time for doing that is past. But lam concerned to emphasise the perils that the application of sanctions may bring upon the world."