BRITAIN'S POLICY IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Auckland Star, Volume LXVI, Issue 163, 12 July 1935, Page 7

BRITAIN'S POLICY IN FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

MINISTER'S REVIEW.

Peace Efforts Outlined by Sir Samuel Hoare.

DIFFICULTIES IN EUROPE,

(British Official Wireless.) (Received 12.30 p.m.) RUGBY, July 11. The House of Commons was crowdcd, the galleries being filled with distinguished men and women of many nationalities, when Sir Samuel Hoare, Foreign Minister, delivered the eagerly-awaited speech surveying the international situation.

He spoke first of disarmament and the recent naval agreement between Britain and Germany. The agreement was in jio sense a selfish one. Any agreement made with Germany had obviously to be of such a character that it would not prejudice, but would further tlio prospects of general naval treaty. Tliero seemed overwhelming reasons why, in the interests of peace —the main objective of the British foreign policy — the opportunity that was offered should be seized. There had been too many opportunities for disarmament allowed to slip away in the last 15 years, and each lost opportunity luid led to fear and unrest, and greater armaments.

Here was a chance to eliminate what had been the chief cause of the embitterment of public feeling between Britain and Germany before war —naval competition—to eliminate by the declaration of the German representatives the unrestricted use of submarines against merchant shipping, and to secure an agreement which on naval grounds seemed manifestly to the advantage of other naval Powers, including France. The British Government had no apologies to make for what was practically an all-round contribution to peace. , . Question of an Air Pact. Turning to the question of the air pact, the Foreign Secretary declared that Britain was anxious for an air pact accompanied by air limitation. It looked at first sight a simple affair, but five Powers, including France and Germany, had to be brought to negotiation and agreement, and the French and several other European Governments took a view that it was impossible to dissociate an air pact from certain other conditions or peace.

"We have worked so long and so closely with our French friends in past years that it is both wise and right to take into account these very real anxieties, for here you come again to another aspect of the unity Of peace. There are many Governments in Europe that regard the centre and the east of Europe as dangerous areas. Certain of them go as far as to believe that an air pact separated from a settlement of other questions would ma>ke the danger in the east even more acute than it is.

"Whilst I cannot go tlie length of those fears, I do none the less agree that a war started in the centre or East Europe might —indeed judging by experience probably would —lead to a general conflagration, and that on this account it is essential to deal without delay with any danger points that may exist. Anxious for European Pacts. "This is the reason why the British Gcvernment is most anxious to see an Eastern and a Danubian pact of nonaggression ratified at the earliest possible date. "The German Chancellor agreed during tho Stresa Conference that objection would not be raised to the conclusion by others of a pact of mutual assistance provided no more was expected of Germany than agreements of non-aggression or consultation, and denial of assistance to aggression. "The German Chancellor further stated in a recent speech that the German Government was ready in principle to conclude pacts of non-aggression with its individual neighbours and to supplement them by every provision which aims at isolating combatants and localising warmakers. The French Government has notified tho German Government that it accepts the German proposals as a basis for negotiation. Chance for Herr Hitler. "I believe the Danubian pact is susceptible of similar treatment. There is, therefore, in the opinion of the British Government now no longer any reason at all why rapid progress should not be made toward the conclusion of an Eastern pact. It is now in the power of the German Chancellor to make a real contribution to the cause of peace which will remove anxiety from the minds of many Governments, not only in Central and Eastern Europe, but in Western Europe as well.

"I would urge him to make it. I think, indeed, lie would be serving his own cause by making it. He himself spoke very frankly in his speech on May 21, and lie will, I know, feel no resentment if I speak equally frankly. Frank Words to Germany. "We here —indeed, the world at large —have been disturbed not only by Germany's programme of rearmament, but also' by certain other phenomena in modern Germany. None the less, we have taken the Chancellor at his word, and only in the last few weeks we have given practical proof of it by concluding with him a naval agreement. "We have, therefore, as we hope, taken a step forward on the road to reconciliation. But reconciliation, like peace, is one and manifold. Let him now, therefore, take the next necessary step forward and help on the negotiation .if the Eastern and Danubian pacts, thereby giving a great impulse to the conclusion of an ail pact which I know he desires."

The Foreign Minister added: "This leads me naturally to a subject which I desire particularly to mention —the independence and integrity of Austria. Time after time we have explained our concerned view that Austria occupies strategically and economically the key position in Europe, and that the change in her status would shake the foundation a oi European peace."