The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo. FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1935. BRITAIN AND EUROPE.

Auckland Star, Volume LXVI, Issue 127, 31 May 1935, Page 6

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo.

FRIDAY, MAY 31, 1935. BRITAIN AND EUROPE.

For the cause that lacks assistance, For the icrong that needs rcsistuvtce, For the future in he distance, And the good that ice aau d<u

If the Dominions' peoples could he convinced that an isolationist policy, as against participation in a system of collective security, would certainly keep Britain out oL' a future war, then their united influence might be brought to bear to induce the British Government to "turn its back upon Europe." The sentiment in favour of peace is increasingly fervent. There would remain then the question whether on moral grounds Britain should refuse to take her part in the international task of peace-keeping. But, despite Mr. F. W. Doidge's repeated assertions, there is no clear path to peace. Under Locarno, Britain must go to the assistance of France if Germany attacks France, "and," says Mr. Doidge, "everyone knows that day is at hand." Does he suggest that Germany (with Russia on her other flank), knowing beyond all doubt that Britain would fight with France, would deliberately attack France? If such criminal madness prevailed in Berlin, would Britain be spared from attack merely because she had "turned her back"? But, says Mr. Doidge, Britain must build up defence forces "so strong that 110 nation will dare molest us." Can he estimate the strength of the forces which would bo required for that? Before 1914 Britain aimed at a. "twoPower standard" in naval strength. To-day she could not, even if she wished, attain that standard of strength at sea, nor in the air. Britain is now building up her air strength to parity with either France or Germany. There is justification,for that increase, but if Britain were to decide upon a further increase in air and on sea, she would at once be accused of taking the lead in the armaments race, and her neighbours, and the United States also, would retaliate. The United States, Mr. Doidge points out, tends to a policy of isolation, but her position is not comparable with Britain's. It is being advocated in influential quarters that in the event of another European war America, to make certain of not being dragged in, should sacrifice her whole trade with Europe. Such a policy may be practicable for a nation whose foreign trade has been described as merely the "luxury fringe" of her total trade; but for Britain it is impossible. What British Government could hope to maintain a population of over forty millions, plus overwhelmingly strong defences, out of a national income to which Europe had ceased, or might at any moment cease, to contribute? Nothing is gained in this discussion by exaggerating, or minimising the weakness of the League of. Nations. If the League ceased to exist the world would have less equipment than it has now to deal with the war problem, but the problem would still exist, and there would remain to inet it only old, discredited policies of alliances and competitive armaments. The fundamental League principle is that a nation is justified in going to war only to defend the law against a law-breaker. Mr. Doidge and others fear that by combining with others to support that principle Britain will merely bo entering an alliance of the old type. Undoubtedly there is that danger, but British statesmanship is aware of it, and the Dominion Prime Ministers have declared themselves against any attempt to build up an overwhelming combination of Powers against Germany. There is nothing in international polities that can be predicted with certainty. Britain can but weigh risk against risk, and the collective security policy offers a much better prospect of preserving peace.