BRITAIN AND PEACE.

Auckland Star, Volume LXV, Issue 4, 5 January 1934, Page 12

BRITAIN AND PEACE.

THE LOCARNO PACT.

EMPIRE'S ONLY CHOICE.

DISARMAMENT GUARANTEES,

(By the Rt. Hon. Sir Austen Chamberlain, in "The National.")

LONDON, November 26,

The House of Commons was seen at its best in the debate on foreign affairs, which was the first business of the resumed session. A grave subject was discussed with the gravity befitting the assembly and the occasion. Not less satisfactory was the measure of agreement among the spokesmen of all parties upon the basis of British foreign policy however much they may differ in regard to the most appropriate means for securing the ends which are common to them all or in the emphasis which they lay on this or that aspect of policy. It is worth while dwelling on this result of the debate, for some part at least of the unrest and anxiety which is at the moment so prevalent on the Continent arises from the fear that Britain has no policy but merely moods in foreign affairs, as changeable as her Governments and as cvanescent as they. If the world were assured of the continuity of Britain's policy, Britain's influence would increase, confidence would develop more freely and the continuance of peace would be better assured. Let us state then a point to which the assent of all parties was given. Two Cardinal Facts. Britain desires peace and will use all her influence for its maintenance. For this purpose she remains constant in her support of the League of Nations and faithful to the engagements which she has signed. There was general agreement also, that Great Britain should still pursue the policy of a general limitation of armaments, but that Britain could go no further in the path of unilateral disarmament. From the Parliamentary discussion two facte of cardinal importance stand out clearly. First, the idea that Great Britain can afford to remain aloof from what is passing on the Continent and can find safety in splendid or otherwise isolation gains no support from the House of Commons. It is possible, perhaps, for the United State 3, separated by 3000 miles of ocean from the troubles of the Old World, to avoid "embarrassing entanglements," though the Great War reminds us that the ocean itself may be the cause of strife. It is not possible for the United Kingdom, almost touching the European Continent, and rendered more vulnerable than ever before in her long history by the development of the means of warfare in the air. Britain's choice is not between isolation and participation, but between helping to shape events or becoming their passive victim. Nothing is more certain than that if Britain ever definitely withdraws from participation in Continental affairs and disclaims all concern in them, Britain will presently find that other people's quarrels are settled at her expense. The second fact which emerges is that the Treaty of Locarno will be upheld whatever party be in power in Great Britain. The raging, tearing propaganda of certain newspapers against it has fallen flat. Their exparte statements will not survive examination. Unprovoked Aggression. The final protocol of the Locarno Conference contains no less than eight treaties. To only one of them—the Treaty of Locarno par excellence —is Great Britain a party. This is the treaty of mutual guarantee between Germany, Belgium, France, Great Britain and Italy, by which Germany and Belgium and France respectively covenant never to resort to war against each other and to settle all disputes by peaceful methods, and their observance of this obligation is guaranteed by Great Britain and Italy. In all cases but one the decision as to whether the casus foederis has arisen is left to the Council of the League of Nations on which both Great Britain and Italy are represented. The single exception is in the case where a flagrant violation of the undertaking by Germany not to invade or attack the territory of France or Belgium and by those countries not to attack or invade Germany, or a breach of the articles of the Treaty of Versailles establishing a demilitarised zone by the crossing of the frontier or the outbreak of hostilities or the assembly of armed forces in the zone renders immediate action necessary. In this case each party undertakes to come immediately to the help of the victim, but each party is first to satisfy itself that the act of aggression is unprovoked and that, by reason of its nature, immediate action is necessary. Even so, the ultimate decision is left to the Council of the League and all parties agree to accept and conform to its decision.—(N.A.N.A.)