WORLD AFFAIRS.

Auckland Star, Volume LXIII, Issue 59, 10 March 1932, Page 6

WORLD AFFAIRS.

A WEEKLY REVIEW, (By BYSTANDER.) If Japan cannot get her own way in China, she will withdraw from the League of Nations. This .is the covert threat with which the Japanese arc trying to swing the balance of European opinion in their favour. A rumour of some such nttcir.pt at coercion, under the caption "Blackmail at Geneva" appeared in a leading London newspaper some time ago, but it was generally regarded as a sensational item borrowed from the American Yellow Press. If it is tru#, it will settle Japan's political reputation for a very long time to come. The Japanese, it is alleged, are trying to justify their action by comparison with the Americans. But the case of Japan is by no means on all fours with that of the United States. The American people have never joined tlio League, and they have kept out of it in strict accordance with their traditional policy of refusing to involve themselves in "European entanglements." But Japan signed the Covenant with her eyes open, knowing full well that she was thus entering into definite obligations with the AVcstern Powers; and by so doing she bound herself to submit all disputes with other States to arbitration or mediation, and to confine herself to purely peaceful methods for the settlement of her international difficulties. If she withdraws now she will lose the claim that she withdraws now, she will lose the claim that she be classed among the Great Powers with whom treaties are professedly sacrosanct, and to whom their word is their bond. "A Great Man is Dead." The death of Aristide Briand, eleven times Prime Minister of France, is much more than a national loss. Ever since the Great War, Briand has been foremost among the advocates of world peace and international unity, and his project for a "United States of Europe" which, would have bound even France and Germany together in amity, was one of the noblest idealistic visions of modern times. France owed much to Briand — to his public spirit, his political ability, his intense patriotism and his splendid oratory. Starting life as a revolutionary and "man of the people," lie was soon compelled to feel the need for the regulation and control of the great social and industrial movements of the day, and when, as Prime Minister in 1910, he broke a great railway strike by ordering the mobilisation of the workers and calling them to the colours, he definitely severed relations with the extremists who were once his followers. Forsaking Socialism, he abandoned the principles of class-warfare and became the leader of a moderate progressive party, concerned for the welfare of the masses and the interests of the nation as a whole. Briand seems to have been a difficult loader to follow in political affairs. His iits of lethargy — due probably to the organic weakness that finally ended his days —wore sometimes inexplicable and contrasted strangely with the fiery ardour of his eloquence, which was, however, always controlled and directed by a cool and calculating brain. During the crisis of the Great War he did good service for the Allies in collaboration with Lloyd George, and when peace came he devoted himself at once to the task of preventing for ever the recurrence of all such horrors. In this great work—which seemed for the moment to have found a fitting culmination in the Locarno treaties and the Briand-Kellogg Peace Pact—he was still engaged when death overtook him. It was impossible that a policy which, aiming at the unity of Europe, implied reconciliation and friendship even with the hated Germans, should commend itself to the whole body of the French people. Many of hem denounced Briand as a traitor, and their animosity' was responsible for his recent defeat in the Presidential elections, which probably hastened his end. But he held on his chosen course unswervingly to the last. A great patriot, a great orator, a great Frenchman —and, in the noble words of Sir Austen Chamberlain, "the greatest European of us all." The German Elections. The final scenes of the election campaign for the German Presidency appear to have been of a most exciting nature. There were demonstrations and processions everywhere, and, more especially in Berlin, there were violent conflicts between the opposing parties. The Communists and Nazis have come to blows and exchanged shots, and public feeling throughout the country seems to be worked up to fever boat. Naturally the prospects of the candidates have been carefully analysed, and the general opinion seems to be that Hindenburg may not win on the first ballot. In all probability 35,000,000 votes will be cast, and it is estimated that Hindenburg mayget 10,000,000, whereas, the constitution demands

an absolute majority. He would then be left to fight out the second ballot probably with Hitler, the Nazi champion, and Thaelmann, the Communist candidate. Colonel Duesterberg, who is supported by the "Steel Helmets" and the Nationalists, and is a great deal of a fu'e-eater, is also in the running; and some votes may be cast even for Adolf Winter, who is at present in prison through some unfortunate misunderstanding of the law, and who has gained popularity by demanding the "revalorisation" of the old depreciated mark. But though Hindenburg would probably win on the second ballot, the gallant old marshal has intimated that, if he is not returned by an absolute majority, he will regard this as a sign of want of confidence and will retire. This would be a national and indeed an international calamity, and great efforts arc being made by his supporters to guard against this contingency. It is on the cards that Duesterberg may have a following sufficiently strong to justify him in retiring in favour of one or other of the Hohcnzollcrn princes, and this would place Hindenburg in a very awkward position, as he would be reluctant to stand against his old master's son. Moreover, though the published estimates give Hitler 12,000,000 votes and Thaelmann the Communist about 5,000,000, it is impossible to say how far cither Fascist or Bolshevik enthusiasm may carry the people off their feet; and though Hindenburg, if he sees the contest through to the end, will surely be elected, the possibilities of the situation make the result extremely difficult to foretell. Revolution in Finland. There has been trouble in Finland which, ever since the Russian Revolution of 1917, has been an independent republic. Since 1920 the Soviet Government has acknowledged Finnish sovereignty, though up to that time the new State had a great deal of difficulty with the aggressive Bolsheviks. But the obstacle to peace and unity is now Fascism, in one of its various forms. A section of the people have risen Tinder Fascist leaders, and, having organised a military force, they marched upon the capital demanding the resignation of the present Government, which is Socialist in its sympathies. The crucial point of the situation was the attitude of the civil troops who, as Volunteer Guards, had in 1918 expelled the Russians and given Finland freedom. The Guards seem to have had leanings toward the Fascists; but the President acted with energy and the Government soon had the situation well in hand. The latest news is that the rebellion is crushed and that Finland is still a Socalist Bepublic—a status which acewsds better with the noble traditions of Finnish nationalism than any absolute despotism such as Fascism would erect.