Segregation of Kaffirs,

Auckland Star, Volume LVII, Issue 86, 13 April 1926, Page 8

Segregation of Kaffirs,

It was then in 1911-1912 that the segregation idea for native races first claimed widespread attention, and the curious part is tbat soon after the Labour party was first returned in any strength to the Union Parliament it published a study of the position of the natives, naturally envisaging it from the point of view of providing a large supply of unskilled labour. To my mind they were mistaken in advocating segregation, not merely because it is in principle forcing on to an unorganised people a form of life which they do not desire—segregation is bound for that reason to fail—but because in the long run it is impossible to fence the natives in a full-dross model of segregation as a working plan is to be seen in Basutoland. and while it has many good results, there is no doubt that so long as that segregation is not absolute, and tbe immigration of Basutos to the mining fields carried on from year to year, Basutoland will eventually be as modified by the presence of the white man as other unlenced areas of South Africa are now.

The South African Labour party at that time made up its mind, and it is apparent from the fact that Colonel C'resswell and his followers are supporting the Hertzog Government in this new policy, that they still regard segregation as the right policy for dealing with the native question.

The case of Indians in South Africa is another problem. Natal, in the middle of the 19th century, began indentured Indian labour for sugar plantations, and they went on uninterruptedly until the strike of natives two years before the war brought matters to a head, and one result was the stopping of Indian indentured labour in Natal.

11l reality, however, the friction over Indian labour was the result, not so much of conditions in Natal, as of those existing in Transvaal and the Free State, where, as we have said, they were put on the same legal standing—or lack of standing—as the Kaffir. In these two, especially in the Transvaal on the Rand, the Indians were of a superior class io the indentured labourers in Natal, for they were of the clerking and shopkeeping classes, with a certain number of men in the. professions. It was their trek on foot over the Drakensberg into Natal when Dutch views were making themselves felt in the Union Farlaiment, when it seemed probable that the reactionary policy of the two Dutch-speaking parties of tbe Union would become general, and they would lose the better standing they held at the Cape and in Natal.

Dispatches from South Africa indicate that the position to-day is not far removed from that which existed prior to the war, but with this added strength to the Dutch policy—that General Hertzog is now in the saddle. The Prime Minister of South Africa, however, appears to be in a less intransigient mood, for the discussion in the House of Lords yesterday goes to indicate that the South Government will stay it.-, hand to some extent before attempting to get its reactionary bill through. Resentment in India. Lord Birkenhead's statement with regard to the introduction into South Africa of the Asiatic Bill in July last indicated some developments which from the point of view of the peace of the Empire were reassuring. The South African Minister who introduced it said that the measure started from the general supposition that the Indians as a race were an alien clement in the population. Lord Birkenhead declared, and that no solution of the question would be acceptable to South Africa unless it resulted in a very considerable reduction of the Indian population. This bill, following as it did other legislation affecting the rights of Indians," caused, as might have been expected, very deep resentment in India. The Government of India, who had been authorised hy him to deal direct on this matter with the Union Government, and who throughout had identified itself with Indian sentiment in regard to it. bad previously addressed a strong representation to the Union Government, suggesting that a conference to consider the proolem as a whole should be held. Renewed suggestions to this effect were made in July, but the L'nion Government was unable to agree to a conference of the nature desired by the Government of India.

Finally, however, after a further exchange of views, the Union Government agreed to permit a deputation from India to visit South Africa with the object of inquiring into the economic condition and general position of the Indian community, as well as to ascertain their wishes and requirements, so that the Government of India, in their negotiations with the Union Government. might be in full possession of the facts. This deputation left India in November last, and the L'nion Government gave an assurance that the fullest opportunity would be given to it to lay the Indian case before the Select Committee which would deal with the bill after its second reading. The Government of India, knowing that when a second reading had been given to ths bill its principles would have been affirmed, regarded this as unsatisfactory, and renewed their suggestion that a conference should be held, or, failing that, asked for a further inquiry by the Union Government themselves'before the bill was proceeded with. The Union Government found themselves unable to accept either of these proposals, but agreed that the Select Committee stage should precede the second reading of the bill, and an opportunity would be given, not only to the deputation, but to Indians in South Africa, to lay their case before the committee. Further, and this was of the first importance, the Select Committee would receive representations, not merely on the details of the proposed legislation, but on the principle of the bill itself. This offer the Government of India had accepted, and he believed that at the moment the Select Committee was sitting, Lord Birkenhead concluded.

It seems to mc to indicate a more reasonable frame of mind of the Hertzog Government. It indicates what has hitherto been lacking, a readiness to listen to the cause of the Indians, which has not hitherto been conspicuous. Another point which Lord Birkenhead's .statement tells us almost incidentally is that the South African and Indian Governments are to discuss the question between themselves without the Imperial Uovernir.ent as intermediary, a departure which seems to be pregnant with much for the constitution of the British Commonwealth of Nations. ■