The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATE The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo. FRIDAY, APRIL 28, 1922. EUROPE'S OUTLOOK.

Auckland Star, Volume LIII, Issue 99, 28 April 1922, Page 4

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATE The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo.

FRIDAY, APRIL 28, 1922. EUROPE'S OUTLOOK.

For the caute that neks atsistanoe, For the wrong that needs rteietanae, For ihe future in the distance, And the good that we can do.

The words of Warning that come from Genoa to-day have a familiar ring. -Europe "on the edge of a volcano," "clouds on the horizon,'' "possibility of the storm, breaking." -racial lava boiling — all this is the authentic Lloyd George, the outpouring of the Celtic temperament in a crisis. The Prime Minister is evidently very mucli in earnest and very much alarmed. He has depicted to the journalists at the Conference the dangers that confront Europe. If, he says, the Conference does not succeed in doing something there will be another war, and Europe may be devastated. Where the war wHI start, arid who will fight in it, he doesnot say, but he clearly regards it is possible that all Europe will be involved, and that America will again be drawn in: and he seems to imply that Germany and Russia will take sides, against the rest of Europe. Ho therefore appeals passionately for an effort for peace. He urges upon the Powers the merits of his pact of peace to embrace Europe, and he reiterates fn still stronger language his appeal of 1919 for leniency towards the vanquished. Whosoever believes, he declares, that Germany and Russia can be permanently kept down, is "either blind or blinkered,*' and in the language of a man who is sincerely Teligious, he bids the victorious- Allies beware lest they incur the' wrath of God and suffer the fate that overtook Germany in her pride and arrogance. Clearly what Mr. Lloyd George fears is that' through the failure of the Conference Europe will be divided into two or more camps, with resultant intrigue, arming, and eventually war. His remedy is a pact which all the Powers, including Germany and Russia, will 6ign pledging themselves to keep the peace. The value of such an agreement would depend entirely, however, on the spirit in which it was observed, and the prospects of observance would be less bright in 6uch a case than in that of the Pacific Treaty receutlj' signed at Washington. A great deal depends upon France. The British Government has already expressed its' willingness to guarantee help" if France is attacked by Germany without provocation, and tlie French Government wishes to develop this into a reciprocal treaty of defence. Would France be' satisfied with a treaty embracing all the European Powers? Mr..Lloyd George's statement to the journalists is aimed-at her perhaps more than any other Power. For a, long time he has been leaning more and more towards a policy of leniency in respect to Germany, and his present plea for such "a. policy is probably the most outspoken he has made. France, however, is, or pretends to be, adamant. Certain reparations are due, and if they are not paid she means to put pressure on Germany, in conjunction with her allies if they will act; by herself if they will noti* Mr. Lloyd George probably believes in his heart that the reparations programme k excessive, and that the risks of trying ito enforce it arc great. Already what the Allied idea of what can "be obtained from Germany his been sadly whittled down. Twenty-eight milliards of gold marks was the figure in 1918 (on a bask of 6 per cent annuities); in 1919 the French Treasurer's forecast was TS | milliards; in 1921 the assessment of the Reparations Commission worked out at eight milliards: the London «ettlement of--the same year was 4.6 milliards. The ! old problem' remains -unsettled—how to' combine justice with enlightened mercy,' how to punish Germany and yet not cripple ourselves. France demands protection and compensation, and will any-; one say that she is entitled to neither? Mr Lloyd George makes another appeal to America to help in saving Europe, and at the same time President Harding asks the victoTs in the war in dealing with the vanquished, to remember what ' happened when the .South. surrendered iti the Civil War. i Unfortunately the two eases are not parallel. In the American Civil War the parties belonged to the same nation and moved slowly into war on a clearcut issue. One side did not. force war on the other for aggressive purposes. When Grant met' Lee at Appomatox. the victor talked of old days of friendship and anything else but the war, until Lee had to bring him to the business at hand. Could anyone conceive a similar .meeting between Foch and Ludendorff or. Hindenburg in 1918? The other re--tort to Mr. Harding's appeal is obvious. If America wishes Europe to compose differences and forget and forgive, will America come and help Trance looks to the future, airxiously. Will"the"United States crar£rm ilr- Wdl--1500% pledge to come to her assistance? The greatest single cause' of Europe's present plight is the repudiation by, America of Mr. Wilson's policy of cooperation with Europe. Is it not. therefore, highly inconsistent to advise Europe and not assist her?_ It cannot, be expected that Mr. Lloyd George's appeal will convert Congress, but it itnuld help to make Americans realise their .responsibility for the present crisis and its possible eutegme, .-— ''■' v '