The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo THURSDAY, AUGUST 29, 1918. PROSPECTS IN RUSSIA.

Auckland Star, Volume XLIX, Issue 206, 29 August 1918, Page 4

The Auckland Star: WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and The Echo

THURSDAY, AUGUST 29, 1918. PROSPECTS IN RUSSIA.

For the oeuee that lack* astistanoe, For the wrong that needs resistance, For the future in the distance, And the good thai toe can da.

An interesting sidelight has hern thrown upon, the recent course of events in Russia by a United Press Association's correspondent, who has just returned to America. Mr. Shaplen, who has been in Russia throughout the dramatic changes which have followed each other in such rapid succession there during the past twelve months, speaks with the authority of an eye-witness, and his opinion that Bolshevism has lost hold upon the people, and that its power is tottering to its fall, is confirmed by a large amount of independent evidence. Quite apart from the moral aspects of the Bolshevik regime, the- system which these extremists have inaugurated could never have been expected to endure long. For not only are the policy and the methods adopted by the Bolshevik leaders repugnant alike to the intelligence and the conscience of normal human beings; they are almost ■equally detached from or inconsistent with those material considerations on which any practicable form of social and national life must be based. Even if we assume that Trotzky and Lenin and their colleagues are absolutely sincere in their views, tho experiences through which their unfortunate country has passed of late convict them of hopeless incompetence as rulers and administrators. So far as can be judged at this distance, the Bolsheviks appear to have fallen into the most dangerous of all the many errors that social or political reformers can commit. They have confused thoughts with things, and they have persuaded themselves that eloquence and oratory are effective substitutes for action. Assuming as before that Trotzky and Lenin arc entirely sincere, and discounting altogether for the moment the moral aspects of their policy, we may say that they have failed, as they were bound to fail, because at a crisis when all tho circumstances of the gituation demanded above everything vigorous action, all they could do was to make speeches and to dream dreams.

It should be hardly necessary to add that in our opinion the moral character of their methods lias been enough in itself to destroy any chances of their permanent ascendancy or success. Not even a people so undeveloped as the Russians could tolerate for long a system which has been from tho outset wholly destructive, which made no effectual attempt to meet social requirements or national aspirations, and which has depended for tho assertion of its authority upon terrorism and indiscriminate slaughter. The natural and inevitable effect of excesses of this type must be reaction, and the present condition of Russia Illustrates this principle very thoroughly. On the one hand we hear continually of efforts directed toward the re-establishment of the old order of

things on more or less constitutional lines; and on the other lhand, a strong tendency is manifesting itself among all I sections of the Russian people to seek safety from terrorism and anarchy by throwing themselves into the arms of any military organisation strong enough to protect them. Aβ regards the constitutional side of the reaction, Mr. Shaplen appears to believe that the Revolutionary Democrats — who stand very much where Kerensky stood before Bolshevism overwhelmed him —will be able to re-settle the country on definite- political lines, and that by next year they may succeed not only in setting up some stable form of government in Russia, but in organising effective resistance to the Germans. On this point we must confess that we are not yet able to share Mr. Shaplen's optimism. For, hopelessly as the Bolsheviks have prejudiced their own case, it can hardly be doubted that I the ascendancy of Lenin and Trotzky for even a little time would have been impossible if their extremist doctrines had not appealed to a large section of the people; and we can hardly imagine the masses, once they have been inspired by the hope of participating in the benefits of a new social and indiffitrial gjetem,

and sharing the possessions of their hated masters among them, reverting quietly and willingly to the pre-revolu-tionary order of things. Moreover, the impotence of the Douma during ite troubled and ineffectual career, assisted to undermine the faith of the Russians in purely constitutional methods, and the conservatism and lack of imagination displayed by the leaders of the Cadets and of other parties identified with the doctrine of peaceful political progress have all helped to ehake public confidene in the cause with which they have been associated.

We are therefore inclined to doubt whether even the reaction against Bolshevism which is now making Tapid headway throughout Russia will result at once in the establishment of a new political and fiocial system on what we may call western constitutional line*. At all events, before that end can be attained, it seeme likely that the country will pass through an intermediate stage whose character ie clearly indicated'by many of the interesting episodes that our cable messages have described during the past two or three months. The vast territories over which the Czars once ruled are now eecthing in revolutionary upheavals, and everywhere there is evidenced a strong desire on the part of the people to lean for protection upon any force or authority 6trong enough to defend them against domestic or foreign tyranny. Nothing- but this could account for the dramatic and amazing euccesses which the Czecho-Slovaks have

won. Comparatively epeaking they are a handful of aliens among the millions of the Russians, and it would have been impoasible for them to make any headway or to save themselves from destruction if the people had not lost faith in BoUhevism and begun to long for order and safety and peace once more.

Apart from the Czecho-Slovaka, who first of all provided a nucleus for the concentration of the forces now arrayed in Russia, alike against Bolshevism and Teutonism, another strong military factor in the situation is supplied by the relics of the old Russian armies, etill organised »nd led by generals like Alexieff and Ewcrte, Kornilofl and Russky, who have won a deservedly high reputation in the great war. And now linking up with thse elements we have the Allied expeditionary force which, landing on the Murman coast, hae already effected a lodgment in Northern Russia, and is reported to have made contact with the Czecho-Slovake in the west, while the Japanese, advancing through eastern Siberia, are being welcomed as liberators by the enthusiastic populace. It is impossible to say what is the precise meaning of the " coup d'etat" just reported from Vladivostok. But as its effect is to bring about an even closer union between the Czecho-Slovaks and the revolu-

tionary Russians in the Far East, we may take it as yet another proof that the tide of affairs throughout Russia is setting strongly in the direction of a military despotism which will at least temporarily control the resources and direct the energies of the people, and will co-operate on the one hand with the Russians to overthrow Bolshevism, and on the other hand with the Allies to baffle and defeat the insidious and menacing projects of the Central Powers.