MAN-POWER BILL.

Auckland Star, Volume XLIX, Issue 87, 12 April 1918, Page 5

MAN-POWER BILL.

GOVERNMENT DETERMINED. WHX ACCEPT NO COMPROMISE RESISTANCE TO BE OVERCOME. (Received 10.30 aan.) LONDON, April 11. The ever-increasing seriousness of tbe news from the front disclosed in the communiques strongly influenced the House | of Commons over the second reading of the Man-power Bill. It was evident that no one wants a change of government, still less a general election, so the firmness of Mr. Bonar Law in sticking to the letter of the bill provided a source of strength to the Government. His direct challenge to the House to throw out the Government if it disapproved of the extension of conscription to Ireland was so bold and uncompromising that it took everybody aback and touched the imagination of the majority of members of the House of Commons. Sir George Cave was also loudly cheered for saying: "It is said resistance will be offered by Ireland: if so, that resistance will be overcome." Mr. Dillon's speech included an intensely bitter attack on General Gougb, whom he accused of involving the Irish divisions on three separate occasions in disaster. He concluded that Irishmen no longer trusted the British Government. H conscription were imposed the Government would have to hold Ireland for the remainder of the war under strict military laws. Dublin telegrams state that conscription is the only topic of discussion. It is understood that the Sinn Fein has issued orders to all sections of Irish volunteers regarding action in the event of conscription. Fiery speeches were made at many meetings of public bodies against applying the Man-power Bill tq Ireland. Home Rule was not discussed at all. The recruiting authorities are hampered by the fact that no register exists in Ireland. A big effort will be necessary to weed out many Englishmen, Scotsmen and Welshmen who went to Ireland to escape military service. Paris advices state that the Military Service Bill made an excellent impression in France. The "Temps" says that Britain, like France, has her existence at stake. British patriotism was never more tenacious than in times of trial. The "Journal de Debats" says that if the Irish were not possessed by a spirit of madness they ought to accept Home Rule and conscription, and thus enjoy autonomous regime and fulfil their imperial obligation, giving the Allies' army three hundred thousand men.—(A. ana N.Z. Cable-) SECOND READING PASSED. BY 323 TO 100. VEHEMENT IRISH OPPOSITION. ._•:-..-. ' LONDON;:ApriI 11. S Moving the second reading of the ManPower Bill in the House of Commons, Sir George Cave (Secretary oi State for Home Affairs) was subjected to considerable interruption from the Nationalists until the Speaker intervened. Sir George Cave said the Government believed that conscription for Ireland was worth while if only five divisions were obtained. They did not believe that an army would be necessary to enforce conscription. There were already considerable troops in Ireland for the preservation of order. Though Home Rule and conscription were not intended as two sides of a bargain, Ireland could not obtain Home Rule more easily than by fighting the Kingdom's common battle. Sir C. E. H. Hobhouse moved as an amendment that while recognising the gravity of the military situation, and the urgent necessity for giving all possible support to the Allied forces, members were of opinion that the bill diminished the nation's naval and economic power without adding commensurate military strength. Supporters of the amendment drew Mr Lloyd George's attention to the statement that the enemy's strength was inferior on the west front. They asked why, then had we not taken advantage of that superiority to assume the offensive. The proposals Would produce an avalanche of unfit men, probably less than 3 per cent of whom would be useful for military purposes. The army was now making no effective use of the" lower grade men. "COMB-OUT ENGLAND." Mr John Dillon, leader of the Nationalist party, stated that events in France were th e only justification for the bill, but tbe propoeals could not have any possible effect in redressing the recent misfortunes. The comb-out scheme would provide the real reinforcements. The raising of the service age was not necessary. He believed the trouble at the front was not lack of men, but was due to the system of promoting officers. The old gang was still in control of the army. He described the bill as a delusion, aud an attempt to blind the people. The real purpose was to divert public attention from the causes of the iii«».;ters at the front. The Irish bishop.-. _r*T* warned the Government that the bill would break down law and order. The "Irish front" would become formidable because the conflict would be one in which Englar 1 was morally wrong. The influence' WU...M consequently spread to America and Australia. Believing that the Government was enforcing conscription in order to escape ; its Home Rule pledges, he challenged the ; Government to take a plebiscite in Ire- < land on conscription, which would yield ] probably no more than SO,OOO men and ( imperil Britain's food supply. If the ] deed was persisted in, Britain's moral position before the world would be gone. MR ASQUITH DUBIOUS. Mr. Asquith gravely doubted whether raising the age would produce the expected results. He had been over- 1 whelmed with communications from all \ parts of the country, pointing out thatj i the proposal would denude vital busi- i, nesses of their remaining indispensable 11 men. He, himself, believed the result | ( would not increase, but diminish, the ' national efforts available for war pur-! i poses. He regretted that the Tribunals!, had been swept away, thus preventing consideration of special cases. Irish conscription had already been rejected twice or thrice by the Government. It would have been much easier to institute two years ago. It should not be imposed without Ireland's general consent, which was not forthcoming. It was only imposed in Britain ° when general assent bad been secured. In a free Empire we must take things and communities as they, are. The addi-l

tional man-power from Ireland by conscription would not balance the drawbacks. The Irish revolutionary movement was now waning. It would be a terrible and a short-sighted step to accompany Home Rule with such an obnoxious proposal. He concluded by appealing to all parties to endeavour to reconcile Ireland to the Empire in order to preserve an unbroken front. BONAR LAW IN REPLY. Mr. Bonar Law said the Government agreed to llr. Asquith's suggestion to give more time for consideration of the bill, which would necessarily create controversy. Tbe Government did not wish to aggravate diocord, and must justify its proposals. It was useless to conceal the position from ourselves. What had happened in France was not expected. That was why the Government introduced the bill. Until the commencement of the battle the balance of forces was not against the Allies. Under these circumstances the Government, as well as the Allied military advisers, believed that if the enemy attacked, we ran no danger of anything fatal happening. Members were repeatedly asking why; we did not exercise the initiative. Even if the Government or the army leaders ought to be changed, the demand for men remained. Unless we were prepared I to face the position we must be prepared to face defeat. A successful offensive against entrenched positions was only possible with the whole weight of tbe Allies. The Government established unity of command, believing that if the Allied armies were used as one, what was now a dangerous situation might be changed to an advantage. If the enemy failed in his present plans the result would be most serious for him. He would consider Mr. Asquith's suggestion that the maximum age should be ■18 years. CRITICAL TIME LATER. The Germans would persist month after mouth. The Government's ngures showed that unless the casualties became much heavier the most critical time would be the end of May or June. If •the battle lasted another eight months the men now being recruited would be available. Therefore we must not unntcessarily delay. The Government was aware of the inevitable effect on trade and industry, and had deliberately made up its mind that the risk must be taken in face of the greater risk, believing that it might mean tbe difference between victory and defeat. If the Government announced that the life of the nation was at stake, but that it could not ask Ireland to help, it would have been the end oi Home Rule. It was a mistake to suppose that the Government introduced Irish conscription as a pious opinion. They intended to carry it out. (Cheers.) It was formerly estimated that Ireland would provide 120,000 men, but the new conditions would give many more. The Government had deliberately weighed the advantages and disadvantages. If it were wreng the Government should be changed. Mr. Bonar Law concluded by inviting the opponents of Irish conscription to oppose the second reading of the bill. : If. the.country thought the Government, was making a mistake the latter would support any other Government in carryOPPOSITION AND UPROAR. There was an extraordinary scene at the closing of the debate. When Sir Auckland Geddes, Minister in Charge 01 National Service, rose to sum up, the Nationalists shouted, 'Duke, Duke." The Speaker vainly appealed for .order. The scene lasted for a quarter of an hour, though Mr. Dillon appealed to his friends to allow Sir Auckland Geddes to be heard. Finally Mr. Bonar Law pointed out that Mr.'H. E. Duke, Chief Secretary for Ireland, intended to speak on Irish matters later. Sir Auckland Geddes said the army authorities and the Chief of the Imperial General Staff considered the bill vitally necessary. There was no alternative except to let the armies down. He was certain the Parliament and the country would never do this. The closure was carried, and Sir C. E. H. Hobbouse's amendment was defeated. The bill was read a'second time by 323 votes to 100.—(A. and N.Z. Cable.) AMERICAN VIEWS OF CONSCRIPTION IN IRELAND. (Received 10.55 a.m.) NEW YORK, April IL All the New York newspapers discuss conscription in Ireland. The "New York Times" says that if any Irishman thinks resistance to conscription will find favour in the United States he is grossly mistaken. It is time the men who talk so much about liberty took a part in defending it. The "New York World" says if Ireland is to have Home Rule Englishmen have the right to insist that Ireland shall not be exempted from conscription. The "New York Sun" says that it is unbelievable that the Irish prefer Germen servitude rather than liberty, for which the Allies are fighting. The "New York Herald" says that the Irish will not revolt if their politicans leave them alone. The "New York World's" London correspondent interviewed Mr John Dillon, who said that if the measure were per- . sisted in iih Irish settlement becomes i impossible. The Irish Nationalists would ' resist the bill by every .means in their power. Both North and South Ireland I would solidly oppose conscription, which ; would have horrible, far-reaching consequences. Mr T. P. O'Connor cabled from San Francisco to Mr John Dillon: "We must record ai solemn warning against conscription in Ireland. It is an insane blunder, and will render futile the best efforts of the Irish leaders."—(A and N.Z. Cable.) A TRAGEDY FEARED. LONDON, April IL The "Irish Times" says that only one thing could be more unfortunate than the total exemption of Ireland from compulsory service, namely, the enactment of compulsion, and subsequent hesitation to enforce it in face of the lawless and disloyal threats of the Nationalists. "Freeman's Journal" declares that the Government is mad. The Cabinet has decided to carry the war into Ireland — (Reuter.) Mr. R. Hazelton, Nationalist member for North Galway, interviewed in New York, said the enforcement of conscription in Ireland would spell tragedy and utter disaster. Mr. T. P. O'Connor declared that conscription would paralyse Britain's friends and encourage her bitterest enemies. Such an insane blunder would render futile the best efforts of the Irish > I leaders everywhere* and N }