The Evening Star. WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and Echo. MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1902. THE FRIENDSHIP OF GERMANY.

Auckland Star, Volume XXXIII, Issue 16, 20 January 1902, Page 4

The Evening Star. WITH WHICH ARE INCORPORATED The Evening News, Morning News and Echo.

MONDAY, JANUARY 20, 1902. THE FRIENDSHIP OF GERMANY.

Fop the cause that lacks assistance

For the wrong that needs resistance

For the future in the distance

And. the good that we can do.

Perhaps it is a good sign that the most sensational view of the present Anglo-German relations should come from a German newspaper. The Cologne "Gazette" in representing the situation as serious to the verge !of an actual rupture between the two countries may either believe that to be the case or exaggerate its convictions with a view to warn its countrymen more effectually of the danger they are courting. ' Under either circumstance it is both pleasing and hopeful to find that ori'i member of the press which has led the way in vilifying Great Britain, regards that danger with obvious uneasiness. The "London Times," it will be seen, in referring- to the "Gazette's" remarks, plainly declines to add its sanction to them, and contents itself with suggesting that Britain "may take steps to impress Germany regarding the painful impression created by Count yon

Bulow's utterance"—a very noncommittal way of putting it, but certainly the most dignified and fitting. To contemplate at this stage the graver possibilities of a rupture between Britain and Germany, as th« ■irresponsible minor press of both countries is so quick to do, might be to inflame further the popular animosity on both sides. Whatever they might eventually lead to, ''he insults and libels of the German press and people, and even the more measured affronts which the Ger-ni.-m Chancellor has levelled against Great Britain, are no casus belli. Britain has no intention of going to war with Germany on such grounds, and, on the other hand, we do not supposes that the -Germans are anxious for a trial of strength between the two nations, or had anything of the kind in view when they commenced, an-d while they have been prosecuting this anti-British agitation. There is really no question of "the dread alternative" in the matter, but there are other alternatives to our patiently enduring- the outpouring of German hate which we may be driven to adopt, and which Germany might find far from agreeable. A few days ago we referred to the possibility of a general boycott of German goods throughout the Em-

pire. The idea commends itself to other centres besides modest Oamaru. It is finding favour in Aus-

tralia, as certain cables we have recently publish show, and if on the borders of the Empire feeling runs so high it certainly will not be less strong in the Old Country, which has to bear the first brunt of German Anglophobia. In her present mood. Germany, while she must dread the loss of our trade, is evidently indifferent to our goodwill, and if she can keep us as customers, is probably quite content to let us go as friends. Our strong allegiance to certain commercial principles favours such a possibility. But is our friendship of so little account that Germany can afford to destroy the good understanding which officially exists between us? That good understanding, even in the absence of any formal treaty, is ian important factor in maintaining the balance of power in Europe. With France, her unreconciled enemy at heart on the one hand, and Russia her' superficial friend on the other—both nations whose policy presents not fewer ■ and perhaps more points of possible conflict with hers than does that of England— Germany would do well to consider how much she risks, and what she can hope to gain by the loss of Britain's goodwill.

And Britain in her turn would also do well to consider whether she might not meet with a better return for her goodwill if it were elsewhere bestowed. The Melbourne "Age," in reviewing the position the other day, suggests that the time appears peculiarly opportune for a. rapprochement between Britain, Russia and France. As regards the chance of our being able to make friends with France it would seem remote enough. The French have only been a little less insulting to us than the Germans, and do not appear to love us any more than these. But the point is whether they could be persuaded to put up with us for the sake of any possibility their forbearance might win of doing Germany an injury.

An alliance between us and Russia seems an equally strange union to contemplate. Have we not been nursed in an atmosphere of suspicion of Russia? What "war scares have affected these outlying parts of the Empire have been Russian. Fifteen years ago, when the sounds of Tarawera's eruption camp borne on the night winds to Auckland, our first thoiight was the cannon of the Russian invader. GTeat Britain has cultivated distrust of Russia more persistently and more assiduously than she has the goodwill for any other Power. Was she justified? Was she

right? Common opinion has always held that she was. A minority, however, numbering in it more than one sagacious statesman, declared she was not, and that minority has of la;te been growing apace. They recall the fact that in their earliest hostility to the Turk and throughout the Napoleonic wars E-nglapd und Russia were allies. Within the last four months the London "Times," the "Spectator," the "National lieview,"' and other leading or lesser journals have published articles advocating more or less strongly a good understanding with Russia. The "National Review" questions the possibility of maintaining such an understanding ,Avith Germany, in view of the feeling of the German people as reflected in the present outburst, and points out that "'the raw material for an Anglo-Russian agreement abounds." Thfe "Times" very cautiously reviews these suggestions, indicates generally that Russian and British interests are not irreconcilable, and refers to the "sedative and neutralising influence" which an agreement between these Powers would have in Europe and all over the world. The "Spectator" goes much further, and declares that we should join hands with Russia and not Germany, since Germany cannot fulfil hei\ national aspirations without injuring us, and Russia can. The latter half of tha± assertion at once invites argument, it is so entirely at variance with the accepted axioms of Britain'? foreign policy for the last half century. What, then, are Russia's aspirations. To quote the words of Sir Roland Blennerhasset, her aspirations are "to obtain, with as little delay as possible, secure outlets to the Pacific, Mediterranean and Persian Gulf." The first she has. As to the second, after a very long time we are beginning to realise that Russia at Constantinople would probably affect other nations much moTe than us, and that it is not really a part of our policy to hinder her getting there. Lastly, there seems no good reason, in the opinion of the "Spectator," why we should deny her a port on the Persian Gulf.

Our Imperial policy threatens to set us at loggerheads with almost every Power that desires expansion, because we have established, ourselves at so many points all over the globe that they cannot very well expand territorially cr commercially without coming against us. It is very certain that whatever our strength we ca-n----scarcely afford to be at enmity, or even unfriendly, with all, and it remains for us to decide with which European Power we can ally ourselves at least sacrifice to our own interests, if sacrifice is necessary, or with most permanent advantage to the Empire. Also, we should acKl, which Power is disposed to make friends with us? The understanding with Germany has had a fair triai and cannot be said to have turned out a success. Shall we try Russia? The articles in the '-Times" and "Spectator" referred to may in a way be said to have already sounded her, and %ye are given to understand the response received from the Russian press was not of the most encouraging kind. It is hardly surprising if Russia, whom we have never been inclined to treat very generously, should not rush into our arms when we have barely vouchsafed her a smile. We seek her favour under conditions not the most nattering to the nation. But if Russia does not feel drawn to us by pure affection shu may see it to her interest as much as it may be to ours to come to a good understanding.