FEDERAL CONVENTION.

Auckland Star, Volume XXVIII, Issue 74, 31 March 1897, Page 2

FEDERAL CONVENTION.

DEBATE ON MR-BARTON'S RESOLUTION.

[PRESS ASSOCIATION.!

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Adelaide, March 30. Continuing the debate Mr Reid (Sydney) said he could see his way to save at least 5 0.000 compared with the financial scheme propounded in the 1891 Bill. He saw no difficulty with regard to the franchise for the Senate. If they wished to strong body, they would not follow the example of America. If they wished to see the Senate a powerful check, its election should be based on the will of the people. He thought there was a sufficient difference between the two Houses by the election of one by districts and the other from the State as one electorate. Every State right which was a legitimate right must be placed in the constitution. It would be absolutely impossible to do more than lay down sound general principles. They must equally rely on the wisdom and justice of those forming the Federal Parliament when State interests were concerned, and they would have similarly to trust the commonwealth. With one or two exceptions he pinned his faith to the 1891 Bill. He was sorry tbe Convention was not prepared to deal in the open light of day and amend the Bill, wnicb, with the exception of finance, was ' a perfect basis for amendment and settlement. He approved of the Court of Appeal, submitted in the draft Bill. If it was to be a court of appeal at ail it must be final. If not it was simply adding another pitfall to the unfortunate individual compelled to litigate. One of the most essential things was the establishment of intercolonial free trade. They must provide that hostile tariffs should not remain in existence lor an indefinite period Unless the Federal Parliament tied down the State to adopt a uniform tariff within a reasonable period, fedetion would be a sham. They must provide in the constitution a liberal time in which intercolonial free trade shall commence. There was a difficulty as to the Executive's responsibility and a difficulty as to the rights of the two Houses. They must hit upon such solution as would commend itself to people of all the colonies. In an eloquent peroration Mr Reid commended the British constitution against the American, and urged them to follow the lines of a constitution which had preserved the power of Britain against all the changes of time. Another great argument in favour of such a course was that it was the model from which the various colonial constitutions had been taken. In regard to the power of the Senate over money Bilb,-they must deviate from the British constitution, The House of Lords made no pretence of amending or rejecting money Bills, but if federation was to be brought about the Senate must have some power. He was prepared to deviate as far as possible to meet the views of the smaller States. Oa the question ol finances this Federation must not be loose. Expenditure must be strictly limited, and they must reserve power in the constitution which would enable the Senate, based on the equality of the States, to veto injustice. Therefore, they must have as a real, living right, the right to exercise the power of rejection ef anything which permitted any serious wrong or injustice, even if it was necessary to grant them the power to throw out appropriation. If another method could be provided to deal with dead-locks, he would be sorry to see the referendum instituted. The referendum was an extreme power to be held in reserve for extreme cases. In regard to finance, the interest on the public debt was more than sufficient to absorb any surplus that might accrue. He thought some provision should be made to limit the expenditure of federation. He had changed his mind re the necessity of handing over the railways.