THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

Auckland Star, Volume XXVI, Issue 4419, 12 July 1884, Page 5

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION.

Lecture Delivered by Mr Milligan Hogg, Barrister, in St. Sepulchre's School-room.

(CONTINUED FKOM LAST WlCf;ii.)

However, in spite of all thcso obstacles, tlio Constitutionalists of tho Assembly might havo set up Louis XVI. as a Constitutional King but for thvee tiling?. First, they had no armed force with -which to enforce their decrees, or with which to protect themselves. The I'Ctf'jliiv troops were commanded by nobles ar.d royalists, and remained intentionally inert rather than nssist to rivet tho mow condition of things upon society. Second, the Assembly put itself into tho lnidst of the Parisian mob, instead of getting as far away from it as possible Hence arose j among tho rabble the habit of trying to frighten and coerce tho Assembly or some of its members into voting as they desired on important questions. It was not until the legislators of the Revolution had a regular force of their own that they were suro of their lives at certain debates, and in the last days of trouble a member was actually stabbed in tho Parliament House-, and his head stork upon a pike and thrust into tho faco of the President. Attempted Flight of tho King. But the third thing winch utterly upset tho plans of the Constituent Assembly, and made tho Revolution and Republic inevitable, was n'foolinh stop on thu part of tho King. Incited by the Queen, ho resolved to run away from hin people across (ho frontier to Germany, whore the discontented nobility and two foreign powers were preparing fro mako an invasion of France and put down the reforming party. With (ho Queen and his children lie stole away from .Vans under cover of night, having lirst penned a document, in which ho revoked what he called " all his revolutionary acts," The party travelled in a heavy coacli nuclei' assumed name.-!, and as there was no telegraphy in thoso days by which to inter ■cept fugitives, and as photography had not then made tho features of public personages so wall-known as it has now-, they nearly succeeded in reaching their royalist friends. If blood llowod afterwards it was to a great extent tho result of the want o> confidence which the royal pair created in tho minds of those who were at tirsfc willing to preserve them. They were driven back in ignominious procession. All Paris turned out to -°co them, some half a million of people watching the carriage pass by. Tlie Assembly notified that anyone who insulted tho King should be killed, and anyone who applauded him should bo beaten ; so there was almost a complete silence. The King and tho Queen wero escorted to the Tuileries, whence they wore destined to pass but to prison and to tho scaffold. . '

This defection of the King was tho thief cause of tho troubles and atrocities which followed. Had Louis and Mario Antoinette been wiso, they would havo taken tho Constitutionalists and milder Republicans into their confidence, and entirely ignored the nobility and clergy, who woroplottingabiond to undo what had been done. Then, too* neither Austria nor Prussia would have threatened France with invasion) liad they been convinced that Louis and Mario Antoinette were satisfied ■with tho status quo. Perhaps it is almost too much to expect of human n.-.turo that they should have been content. At all 'events, the mass of the people camo to distrust their King and Queen, and to suspect that even the Constitutionalists wore being tampered with by the Court. Distracted within itr-elf, menaced by foreign foes and a rancorous nobility without, not knowing in whom to confide, tho nation began to seethe in a vast hurly-burly, amid which individual rights wore hold of little account. Anyone who h»s been in those dense crowds which pour along the streets of JLondon on nights of public illumination— crowds so douse that it is possible to walk for a milo upon their heads without finding a holo large enough to fall through—will know bow helpless tho act of any one person is to influence the action of tUeUinss. It is so in a revolution of a. nation, where everybody hus gone wild 'And no one can Judge from what was ctano yesterday what it will bo advisable Vo do to-day. j?or six months aftor Louis and Mario Antoinette had been brought back and placed ii\ honourable captivity, tho Constitutional Assembly went on deliberating. Then it dissolved, leaving tho people a constitution which might have served them until now if there had been a loyal and constituent army to back it and put down malcontents of each kind—on tho one hand the furious royalists, and on the other the furious revolutionists. Soon a second Legislature assembled. This second House of Commons was called_ tho Legislative Assembly, and it was moderately Republican. Among the minority, however, were those rabid men whoso names have acquired an unenviable notoriety all over the world, and who, two years later, were at tho head of tho X'arisian rabble dealing death on Republican, Constitutionalist, and Royalist alike. Such were Pvobespicrro, Danton, Marat, and Conthon,

Growth of Republicanism.

The majority of the Legislative Assembly woro called "Girondists," because most of their leading members eavne from the district of the Gironde. The Reds or Extreme Revolutionists were called " Mountaineers," because they began as a small party to gather high up on the tiers of benches on which the members sat. In French Parliaments there is a President instead of a Speaker, and tho members who have permission from tho President to address the House proceed to a rostrum below the •President called tho tribune The most Conservative members sit to the right, and tho most Revolutionary members to the loft, while those of intermediate shades of opinion sit in the right centre or the left centre. It was then, 90 years ago, the custom as it is now. The Parliament Ilou.ia of those days was a spacious but gloomy building, and as gas did not exist for lighting purposes, it was very imperfectly illuminated with candles. Many a stormy and momentous deliberation was this building the scene of, when party was striving against party in a debate as to which should vote the other to death by the guillotine, or when tho sweepings of the Parisian slums, with red bonnets stuck upon their dirty heads and weapons shaking in their hands, cursed and threatened an unpopular member for his speech. The Girondists came into power in Oct., 1791, and for some 20 months they struggled with the Mountaineers in tho effort to keep something like order, safety, and freedom. But the Mountaineers had their red-repub-lican adherents in thousands about Paris. These fellows met at a miniature parliament called tho Jacobin Club. Indeed, the extreme members of the Legislature, such as Robespierre, Danton, Marat, and Conthon, were often present there, and signified in their spoechos what they intended doing against the Girondists in the Assembly. la this Jacobin Club were hatched by the rascals and ruffians of Paris those enormitios which have given the French Revolution a falso preeminence for ruthleasness and cruelty. For two years the dregs of one European city diFgraced our common humanity by their excesses. Bui it was after all a trifle compared with tho massacres of Huguenots, Protostants, Albigonsos, peasants, and serfs which the eveme i(c la crane of European feudalism wreaked in ages when there were no newspapers to bring them before the bar of public opinion. As tho lower olements agitated outside the Assembly.and sought to influence legislation by intimidating tho more moderate politicians, of course, even those who had at first been eager for change grow alarmed and wished to draw up; but they had scarcely any forces to keep the riffraff down, and what few they had wero soon called away to defend the country against a foreign foe. While tho Girondists or moderate Republicans were hesitating and struggling against the rising tide of ruffianism, tno Emperor of Austria and the King of Prussia declared war against the Revolution. This ill-advised .action put an end to all hope of compromiso between tho King and the people, and gave an immense advantage to the extreme Reds. Republicans of every shade hurried to offer resistance to this encroachment of outsiders upon a family quarrel. But the Red Republicans went further. Not content with preaching a crusade against foreign interference, they took all suspected royalists and clergy who had been arrested out of the prisons and hewed them to pieces. This was in September, 1792. The Assembly was horrified, but it had no troops to send against the miscreants, and the better class of tho Parisians were either too apathetic or too frightened to interpose. Tho curious feature about these massacres was that tho perpetrators did not torture,did not plunder, did not discriminate between the ages or sex of their victims. They slew grey-haired men and tender women women with perfect impartiality; and if a prisoner was found innocent of offence to what they considered tho cause of freedom, they would let fall their gory weapons, and with bloodstained arms embrace and shed tears over the creature whom they had a moment before been upon the point of destroying.

The Duchessotlo Lamballe—bosom friend of tho Queen— r was thus slaih, and her body distributed pioceitteal through Paris. Ono young girl saved her father's life by drinking from a bowlful of fresh blood which was held to her lip*! "If you are not an aristocrat," said they, '' then you will drink aristocrats'blood." And she did so. What shall we think of a society which can trample human nature into such frightful atid distorted forms as those 1 "No one," cays tho proverb, " ever became thoroughly bad all at once." These monsters were the descendants of thoso whom tho aristocracy had hanged becauso, when starving, they rioted for bread. They wero tho residuum or lowest layer, on whom tho. other social layers had been heedlessly jumping for generations, and .they were not beautiful. From tho time of thoso massacres until two years later, tho anarehial refuao of Paris raged iu-the fever o? Hed Republicanism. They succeeded in overcoming and destroying all opponents of their policy, and ultimately took to destroying one i another. But the real governmcnVof tho nation went on notwithstanding tho iutornocine strife. Annies Were poured forth to defend the frontieif, abio generals and otficers of plebeian origin took' the place of those who had gono over to the Royalists, and tho energies of tho people concentrated themselves upon tiro strugglo for national preservation. It was in this troubled time that Napoleon Bonaparto was shuflled up to tho surface. From being tlio BaViour of Republicanism, h v .> became its enemy, and, pv U while, checked its attvaaw. The consideration of his despotism and his wanton wars lies, however, beyond the scope of this paper. Let us rather turn and look at the condition of Paris during thoso two eventful years of 1702—1791. Death hi tho King. Within threo weeks of the massacres at tlie prisons the monarchy was abolished, and in another three months tho King -was arraigned before tho now and third Legislature, called the National Convention. I\lost interesting details exist regarding the aspect of tlio National Convention while the King was being tried fov treason against nis people, l'oor Louis e»t in front of tho President on an isolated platform, where ho was interrogated. All around on tlie ascending tiers of bonehes sat tho members, a fow of whom were his friends, but the 'majority lukewarm or hoStilo. In the galleries wero prominent politicians of tho time, with a gaily-dressed crowd of relatives and acquaintances, who had beton privileged to gain neetfss to this new and startling scene. Many of thorn wore droned in the height of fashion, and flirted, and chattered, anil partook of light refreshment, while they loo'cetr down at thoir monarch being tried tor his life. Conspicuous among all was the King's brother, the Duke of Oi loans. Ho was nicknamed by the snob " Equality" Philip, because ho had turned against his brother and his class. Whether ho advoqatxsd democracy for the purpose of pulling down his brother and getting into his placo is not known. Fow, however, have believed in his sincerity and disinterestedness! If he was all he professed himself to bo, ho mot with a l^oor return from tho cxtremo Republicans, whom ho tried to piopitiato by throwing his brother's head. Within eighteen months of voting for the execution of Louis XVI. ho was carried along tho samo fatal road on which his brother had preceded him.

The trial of tho King lasted four weeks. Tho Girondists, or moderato Republicans, could, if they had beon linn, have saved his life for awhile ; but as the Rods were growing very aggressive both within anil without tho Convention, il is not probable that their protection of him would have sufficed long. \\ ithout an effective armed force they must have yielded to tho turbulent populace, and could only have slightly postponed tho destruction which finally overtook both themselves and others of moderate views. Tho majority of tho Convention— including the King's brother—voted for his dentil ; and Louis was executed on Jan. '11, 1703—a little less than threo years from the time of catling his first Parliament, 'P.cigu of Torror,

(VUhin four months more tho Girondists und tho Mountaineers wore at daggers drawn, nnd tho Parisian rabblo were besotting tho National Convention with cannon, until they intimidated tho majority into voting the leading Girondists attaint. Twenty-two members were thus unconstitutionally seized and imprisoned, to bo dealt with in the future. The Reds now got completely tho upper hand, They dominated the Convention, and managed to procure tire appointment of two bodies — one to carry on the executive part of tho Government, tho other to try all cUspoeted persons. The former was called tho Committee of Public Safety, the latter tho Revolutionary Tribunal. Tho spirit which animated tho Revolutionary Tribunal was essentially a bloodthirsty one. Tho business was to try nil persons imprisoned as suspects. Very little raised suspicion in those days — often nothing but a charge of disliko to the exi^tinfj state of bloodshed, or a false and malicious 'accusation of treason. Personal jealousy or hatred, and tho desire of levying black mail, lay at the root of many of these charges. The city swarmed with the basest informers, who would swear away the life of man or woman for a trifle. Once in prison—no matter how you got there—your chances of escape were small; lot, although the Revolutionary Tribunal professed to investigate cases by judges, the rabble around in reality passed judgment by acclamation, which the judges did not dare to disregard. It was the rule of a revengeful blood-besotted mob. All decently-clad persons went in terror of their lives, often affecting mean attiro and styling one another " citizen " and " citizeness " to divert suspicion, as the more semblance of wealth and ease was alone sufficient to provoke a denunciation.

For ten months did tho Reds rule Paris and keep the bulk of the citizens in a paralysis of fear. The prisons were crowded with persons of every quality, from the highest to the lowest. On almost every afternoon at about five o'clock the deathwaggons would roll along on their way to tho guillotine at the Placo de la Revolution. When the victims wore celebrities like Marie Antoinette, the King's brother or si3ter, Charlotte Corday, or Madame Roland, they wero usually conducted to execution alone, or nearly alono, cursed and jeered at by the mob. But as the fever mounted the batches grew larger and larger, until it was not uncommon to see three or four cartloads of unfortunates moving to their awful destination. In such a batch did the Girondist members, who had been outlawed by the Convention, pass to the guillotine, singing the Marseillaise as they went. But the prospect of death at last began to pall both in spectators and sufferers, on account of its frequency. While those who "were abroad grew indifferent and unexcited about executions, those in prison became familiarised with the thought of dying almost to stolidness. They know that at three o'clock every afternoon some of their number would bo called away into an adjacent room to bo attired for the knife; but this did not provont them engaging in nil sorts of games and pastimes compatible with their situation. It sometimes happened that the caslo of a charade would be seriously interfered with by the demands of •the executioner; but no sooner were the names of the probable absentees known than they would proceed to make up the parta out of those who were left behind, as if nothing extraordinary had occurred. It is a noteworthy fact that during the period when tho Red Republicans ran riot the places of out-door amusement wore even more thronged than in peaceful times. So great was tho fear of being alone, and tho dread of accusation, that the people herded together for very safety. 1 have perused the daily papers of those years, the pages of which are now discoloured by au'e, and there, side by side, are the column enumerating tho ecores of victims publicly beheaded yesterday, and the column describing the current performances at theatre and circus. Climax of the Revolution. Rarely has a great nation been so sorely tried and its social fabric so perceptibly shaken as was the case with France during the years of 1793 and 1794. Tho property of her nobility was confiscated and its owners outlawed. Part of her provinces wero in revolt, foreign enemies were menacing her frontiers ; her Parliament was split into two factions, who struggled to office through one another's blood, and then used their power in governing the country and cutting off their opponents' heads. Even in the Executive Council—called the Committee of Public Safety—the chiefs of departments would occasionally quarrel and threaten one another with decapitation. But the social instinct in human beings is too strong for such a state of things to endure long. Those who had held aloof from hatred of tho bad old system, and had acquiesced in the hanging of the kings, tax-gatherers, and the destruction of tho arrogant classes, could not see what good could come of beheading people of all classes out of mere spite. Accordingly, or. the 28th of July, 1794, after a desperate struggle in the Legislature, followed by a battle in the streets, Robespierre and the other leaders of the Red Republicans, to the number of about eighty, were outlawed and executed, ;

This marked the flood tide of the Revolution. From that moment it began to subside until it reached a moderate level, which is still preserved in France. All tho wars and civil broils experienced by France since tlmfc time havo added nothing, exoopt pGi'haps stability, to what was secured during the five years of which I have been talking. Tho Revolution effectually broke tile classes of peers and prelates to pieces, and if it gave opportunities for two military despotisms afterwards, the Usurpers took good care not to attempt a restoration of tlio cruel old aristocratic system which provoked tho people to rebel. Hence comparing tlio state of tho French peoplo now with their condition a century ago, wo may say that tlio result of thoir great Kcvoliition has been eminently benelicial to theineelves, and a grand example by which mankind has profited in an infinite variety of ways. It was a protest—bloody indood— against tyranny of every kind, and from it havo indirectly flowed such movements as the emancipation of serfs in liussia, of slaves in America, tho liberation of Italy and of Germany) and thS donation of solfgovernment to tl>o English colonies. It stands as a warning to king, peer, and prelate of what a people may do when they arc roused, and it has not failed to teach lessons of discretion and timely concession to classes incapable of being touched by such merely sentimental notions as simplo charity and justice Tho leaven of it is now working in Russia, and ft is thero that we may look for the next explosion, which will let freo the most advanced ideas of equality of person and of sex, and clear tho way for social barriers against individual gelfishnessi

And ilow, ovon at tho risk of wearyingyou, I will read you a portion of tho last chapter of Dickens's "Tale of Two Cities." It deals with the French devolution in tho concrete, and brings Lumo to tho imagination what I aiu unable to do by treating the subject in the abstract. 1 cannot understand'why it should have had the smallest circulation of all his works, soeing it contains Very thrilling situations, anil some of tho most sublime poetical prose iv the English language. After readiijg tlae extract, the lecturer concluded :— On closing such books wo think over what wo havo read there, with pity and indignation. But in passing judgment upon tho authors of so much misery, wo should consider whether they., had not provocation. Human beings arc tho creatures of circumstances. They unconsciously wreak and sufl'or tho retribution which comes after tl»i apathy and selfishness of many generations. When society struggles to throw oft' tho heritago of wickedness which has descended upon it, it staggers and is rent, it vomits blood) and llsoloments clash and oo.tiihiltito one another. As tho hangman is necessary to deal with the murderer, as the revolving apparatus of tho surgeon is essential to tho cutting out of diseased portions of tho human frame, so whon a body politic has boen distempered for ages thore comoa a tilnO when the disoasod part must bo oxcised, and in that day tho oxecutionary class will appear. What has happened onco will again happen if society reads not the history of tho past aright. Tho elements of growtor tribulation than tho Fronch Revolution are boing generated in all European communities, and unless mon realise that the touching of Jesus—His love for tho poor, the young, and the siring—should form the basis of thoir statute book and tho animating spirit of their administration, the prosperous and the callous Mill onco.tnoro bo called upon in ruin and in blood to givo an account of their stewardship.