THE CITIES AND FEUDALISM

Cue (NZERS), 1 August 1944, Page 3

THE CITIES AND FEUDALISM

Two major factors affected the life of the 'times. (1) The struggle between the Popes and the German Emperors and the sovereigns of other states for the right of appointing the higher clergy—the struggle of "Investitures.” (2) The emergence of small towns or communes not dependant directly on any feudal overlord and whose allegiances cut right across the feudal ties—both Church and Secular —to which the mass of the population were subjected.

... A study of feudalism has no part in this article, but its influence on the origins of the communes and the way in which the lesser feudal nobility became attached to the town must be understood. Otherwise, later Florentine history appears a confusion of violence and intrigue for. which there is no apparent excuse or reason. .

During the Barbarian invasions the old Roman cities, decadent since the last two centuries of the empire, survived with .scarcely a tenth of their former population though very few were permanently ruined. The fortified villas, manors and castles of the nobles became the natural refuge of the tenants and country folk in time of stress, as indeed feudal obligations compelled.

Some of the cities, especially those which were the seat of a bishop, had maintained some organisation and a few at an early stage, rebuilt their walls and developed- z a local militia. The bishops in those times were usually drawn from the ranks of the nobility, and it was often difficult to determine whether these fighting count-bishops of Italy and Burgundy or prince-bishops of the Western Empire were not more secular than clerical in outlook and behaviour.

FEUDAL DIFFICULTIES.— In Northern Italy feudalism never gained a very strong or complete hold, and during the struggle over investitures, there was a loosening of the already lax ties which bound the lesser nobility to their greater overlords. Many threw in their lot with the small and newly emerging towns which at an early date had developed a

definite and characteristic democratic organisation almost justifying the term Commune,” applied to. them. Unfortunuately, these new recruits to the towns soon organised themselves for the natural protection of their own interests and viewpoints. Many even built themselves fortified residences on the outskirts of the town or seized and fortified the remains of earlier buildings, within its walls as in Rome. Quite naturally, the citizens made up of such distinct groups were affected for various reasons by the greater struggle going on between the Papacy and the sovereign. The Emperor, recognising the new importance of the towns, accorded special privileges to the new communes which were soon able to emancipate themselves to a larger' extent from the feudal lords, but not to free themselves from the necessity of some dependence for reasons of security. In Tuscany, of which Florence was to become the principal city, the leading feudal magnate at- the end of the Xlth and early XII Century was the Countess Matilda, an ardent supporter of the Holy See. She, likewise, encouraged the new cities, and accorded them privileges, and succeeded, during her lifetime, in retaining the loyalty of the greater number of townsfolk. At her death in 1115, when her vast dominions were bequeathed to the Holy See, the Commune of Florence was already firmly established, and its general civic organisation did not differ greatly from that .of its neighbours.

CIVIC ORGANISATION.—Im theory all the citizens had the right to election, and, provided they had the special knowledge necessary, were eligible for any of the city offices. Registers of eligibility were maintained, and elections held regularly. The old Roman system of annual Consuls was revived in a new guise and the executive functions carried out by them. A consultative assembly also existed for discussion of policy matters. The methods of election, however—by popular assembly of .all the orders such as then were held in Rome for the

Papacy —were such as led to friction and dispute, and the voting was often called in question and frequently nullified. The consuls, from stress of circumstances, tended to make themselves masters and to perpetuate their power . within a class. Soon the communes were copying both the’ organisation and customs of the feudal fiefs. Their chief consuls acquired the right to levy war in the name of the city.

' ' The commzines, like the city states of Greece, took to fighting each other when not resisting a common foe. GUELPH AND GHIBELLINE. The rival parties of Empire and Papacy found their counterparts within the commune, and to these major factions was soon to be added the age-old struggle between the wealthy and poor. Later on, when the poor had been suppressed, struggles for power between rival wealthy families and rival factions of a triumphant party, continued the popular taste for local warfare. " ' v

The names of the factions often varied with the cities. Some factions, arising out of the family feuds, long outlasted the elimination of the weaker family, and party names gradually took on a different meaning in different areas. This • occurred with the well-known Guelph and Ghibelline parties whose names were common to both Italy and . Germany where they had originated during the rivalry between the House of Franconia and Bavaria, for the Holy Roman Empire.

The name Ghibelline came from Weiblingen, a castle belonging to the Franconians, Guelph from Welf, the name

of a prince of the Bavarian House. In other words, the parties were dynastic. In Italy, however, the party names had a different significance; the Guelphs were the Papal supporters.

Florence and Tuscany were predominantly Guelph since the time of Countess Matilda, while the Ghibellines were the Emperor’s supporters.

XIITH CENTURY: COMMERCIAL PROGRESS— to the end of the Xlth Century, Florence was slowly building up her industries and consolidating her commercial activities in an atmosphere which was remarkably free from the factional disturbances which provided almost the main outlet for the energies of neighbouring communes. She was, in fact, the last city in Italy to be infected with the virus of the Guelph and Ghibelline factions. This was largely due to a successful suppression of any party activities of the nobility who appear to have been entirely subordinated politically to the interests of the wealthier borghese. Remarkable steps, many of them extremely undemocratic arid contrary to all modern 1 conceptions of the individual's rights, were taken to assimilate the signorile or noble elements with the townsfolk. Badges of rank, and even family names, where these indicated origins from . the > territorial nobility, were suppressed. At certain stages this class was even excluded from holding city offices, despite the fact that they might be eminently "suitable as candidates.

Even, though Florence thus succeeded in avoiding the ruinous struggles which affected other Italian communes in the XlVth Century, she did' not avoid creating similar classes from her own citizens nor did she escape the establishment of local tyrants. The vacancy left by the suppression of

the nobles was soon filled by the richer citizens who formed the Popolo Grosso, while the less fortunate were termed the Popolo Minuto. The latter, of course, were infinitely the more numerous. Once consolidated, the first actions of the outwardly democratic and commercial Commune of Florence was an unprovoked aggression against the nearby fortress and community of Fiesole, which was destroyed in 1125, an act which clearly revealed the future aspirations of the city.

Other signs within the city suggested that a strong differentiation by wealth, power, and interest, was taking place among the citizens. THE GUILDS. —All citizens were incorporated into guilds or corporations, according to their occupation. Gradually, the more important guilds separated themselves from the lesser trade groups. Within the guild, rule was largely in the hands of the master craftsman, a rule which worked well so long as most members could hope ultimately to become masters.

The increased wealth of the city and the operations of successful masters in eliminating smaller ones led inevitably to the creation of classes who were economically dependent on the few —the real cause of the Ciompi disturbances in 1378. Individual guilds endeavoured to -restrict the activities of others. One of the best instances of this was when the shoemakers successfully confined the cobblers to the repairs of old footwear. (Union restrictions are nothing new and have operated since at least the Vth Century 8.C.).

The more important guildsArti Maggiori—included banking, silk weaving, woollen manufac-

hiring, lawyers, bakers, etc. and had the major say in the city’s affairs, but the leaders of the Arti Minori, or lesser trades, were not excluded from the general councils of the city even although their vote often carried less weight.

XHlth CENTURY—FACTIONAL DISTURBANCES. Soon after , the turn of the XHlth Century, the rivalry between the families of Buondelmonti and Amedi commenced the long record of civil strife and personal intrigue for control of the administration. It all started when a Buondelmonti, having promised to marry an Amedi, with whom he had perhaps been intimate, changed his mind and married a Donati. The Amedi killed the offender. Ihe feud started and the now threatened Amedi formed a league with the Überti, and soon most families of note found it wise to ally themselves with one or other cause. At first it took the form of a struggle for the municipal offices. Later powerful outside interests, led by Frederick 11, introduced a radical change. A force of 1600 of the Emperor’s cavalry, summoned through Überti’s influence, persuaded the Buondelmonti and their close supporters to flee the city in 1248.. From that moment the defeated party embraced the Guelph cause, and their successful opponents became Ghibellines. On the death of Frederick 11, two years later, the citizens were powerful enough to obtain a new city constitution, known as Primo Popolo. This again excluded from office all the nobility. Soon, 1 however, it recalled the exiled factions and with them the feuds.

Meanwhile the city was divided into six wards, or Sestieri, and each selected two representatives who were known as the Anziani —the ancients or the Old Men. It was about this time that the building now known as the Bargello and then .as the Palazzo del Podesta was erected. Although

commenced in 1255,

it was not finished until about 1367. It was originally intended for the use by outsiders — the Anziani.

In addition to this committee of 12, there were two offices filled by outsiders Captain of the People,

and the Podesta, who carried out the principal executive and legal functions. The system was short-lived. The Guelph majority chased the Ghibellines from the city, and they took refuge in Siena. In 1260, two years after their banishment, they received powerful support from King Manfred and crushed the Florentines in the Battle of Monteaperti. The defeated Guelph faction fled the city in advance of the victors’ arrival.

Thus began the alternating struggle for power ’ which continued in varying forms until the Medici family succeeded in establishing what amounted to a dynasty in the.XVth Century. In 1280, an attempt was made to form a coalition council of the two parties. But it was apparent that in ' spite of successive exiles, peace could not be obtained, and in . 1282, a second constitution was created. <

The Secondo Popolo passed more extreme legislation to exclude the noble element from city office. It also created

a powerful city police and wealthy citizen's magistracy under a Gonfaloniere of Justice. Registration in one or other of the city's guilds was made a compulsory condition ; for holding citizenship and much of the legislation had parallels familiar to all in modern times. About this time, the city of Pisa was disastrouslyv defeated by Genoa at-Mele-oria. This had obvious \ effects on the people of Florence. In’ spite of their internal disturbances the citizens were prompt to seize the advantage r om their rival’s discomfiture. Florence was enabled to gain a number of strong points and to threaten Lucca. In 1289, the Florentines won a great victory over Arezzo after which a peace was finally arranged with Pisa on the condition that Pisa recalled her exiled Guelphs and promised never to appoint as Podesta anyone who was not from a city friendly to Florence. All these precautions to maintain a oneparty system and to avoid factions came to nought.