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THE DEMOCRATIC VOTE CAMPAIGN.

(By M. S. Powell.) I hereby give my pledge that, regardless of party, 1 will not at the next election vote for any candidate for Parliament who will not undertake, if elected, to do his utmost to remove, or at the least very substantially reduce, the present unfair handicap on both the issues of No-License and National Prohibition. The Democratic Vote Campaign consists in the signing by electors—and those who will before the next election be qualified to vote -of the above pledge. In many electorates a large number have appended to it their names, but in others it is not being taken up nearly as warmly as it should be. Ihe fact that this failure upon the pail of our workers is the cause of considerable jubilation to the liquor party should make some in our own ranks pause, and seriously consider their position. At the Alliance Convention, held in Christchurch last June, very great stress was laid upon the campaign as being one of the most important movements ever inaugurated by our leaders. Some, upon reading tne pledge, rt mark, “Oh, that’- fair enough," and immediately sign it. But others, more caunous, arc conscious of » l number of objections, and t.ike time io think it over, most of them lining up with the rest of the party after a little reflection. There are a few who still think that to carry National Prohibition by the

three-fifths would give it a stability impossible under the Bare* Majority. But let not these good folks deceive themselves; the bare majority is bound to come. Some time ago one of the leader- of the Liquor Party was asked, “Are not you going for the bare majority.'" but not yet," was his reply. I hey are waiting until under the three-fifths we have, by a tremendous effort, secured National Prohibition, then they will move the power- lh.it be to alter the law so that they may carry Kestoration by a bare majority, and our men in the House will vote with them because we have* stood for it a- a democratic measure. Ne>, the bare majority is bound to come. 1 he question is, shall it come in time to be of benefit to u-, or shall “our friends the enemy” have all the advantage? Ag ain, -ome think they are binding themselves *> vote for any man pronising to support the claims of our party, though in othei respects he may be quite unsuitable or diametrically opposed to their general policy of government. But a careful study of the pledge will prove the tallaic of Hits idea. No promise to vote for any particular cla-- of candidate is given, the signer -imply says he will not vote for a man upholding the principle of the three-fifths. No one, of course, feels inclined to disfranchise himself. But how about the 5 ,000 odd persons who voted in hji 1 b r National Prohibition, and, undei the operation of the ihree hfth- clause, actualh were disfranchised.' It 1to prevent this happening again that we mu-t for ever cru-h that undemocratic principle. Furthermore, no

one will be disfranchised. In most electorates the candidates will adopt oui platform, and should there be one where this is not the case, our leaders assure u- that they have the promise of first-class men who will stand in our interest. Then- tell it not to Gath—there arc tho-e in our own ranks who refuse to sign the pledge because they may either have to abstain from voting or to vote for a man “who will pu* the taxes on the land." Do not these really good people -ee that they are lining up beside the Liquor Party? Why do the brewers and other liquorseller- support the three fifth-? Because the operation of the Bare Majority would injure their pockets. And the -ame consideration of injury to their pockets 1- keeping these Prohibitions- from taking steps which will prevent, during the next few years, thousand- of New Zealanders from falling into a drunkard’s grave*. And these “land-tax” people arc very short-sighted. What is it which is putting the taxes upon the land but the liquor traffic? It has been said, and -aid truly, “The ancient publican collet ted the taxes; the modern publican creates them.” The revenue received by the country through the liquor traffic utterly fail- to cover the expenditure on crime, lunacy, poverty, and sickness, which 1- the result of that traffic.. No one will accuse Mr Joseph Chamberlain of being a rabid Prohibitionist, but what does he say on the subject? “If we could see the taste for drink removed we should see our gaols and our workhouses empty, and our taxes removed by millions. And if this is true of the Old Country,

where Free Trade i> in operation, how much more i> it (proportionately) true in thi> country, where a large proportion of the 44,000,000 now -pent in alcoholic liquor would be expended upon dutiable articles of commerce. Mr McCombs, of C hristchurch, having a mathematical head, has proved to the satisfaction of hi- hearers that under the present handicap it v ill be twenty years before we can carry National Prohibition. Oh, what are all other considerations beside that of the fact that numbers of the little toddlers now running about in our homes and in our streets will during that time fall victims to the traffic ?

And let none shelter behind the excuse that they “will see when the voting comes on!’ Now 1- the time when your signature will be of use. Our strength lies in concerted action, and it is a case of “A long pull, a strong pull, and a pull ail together.” Our leaders recently approached the Premier asking him to bring in a Bill to reduce the three-fifths during this present Parliament. When that Bill comes before the Mouse, will not the knowledge that many thousands of electors arc pledged not to vote for a man who supports the three-fifths have a very definite effect upon the fate of that Bill? And the passing of that Bill will give us a chance of carrying National Prohibition next year. Too long have we struggled and beaten our hands against this handicap, and we will do so no more. We are now going to adopt the tactics of the other side, who have always said to the candidates soliciting their votes, “If you don't vote for u>, we will not vote for >ou.” With this difference, that we say, “If you will not vote for the welfare of the country in this matter, we cannot vote for you."

Now it is a case of “White Kibboners to the rescue!” It will pay us to make large sacrifices in time and money for thi- democratic vote, that we may get the Bill through Parliament next session, and have a chance of carrying National Prohibition at the next poll. Let us join heartily with the No-License Leagues, understand the question in all its bearings, take up districts, and make a thorough house-to-house canvass with the pledge book. If the League in your district ha> not taken up this

work, get your Union, at its next meeting, to appoint a deputation, who shall wait upon the President, urging upon him the necessity for immediate action, and at the same time handing him a list of White Kibboners willing to assist. If there is no League, do the organising and canvassing yourselves. Dear sisters, let us lx* up and doing for the sake of the children. As a prominent worker in our ranks remarked recently, “If we get this well signed, we shall never have to use it.” In other words, the effect produced upon our legislators will be so wholesome that they will “toe the mark” before coining before us to seek our votes at the next election. But there is no time to lose. Let us act, and act NOW.

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Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/WHIRIB19130918.2.2

Bibliographic details

White Ribbon, Volume 19, Issue 219, 18 September 1913, Page 1

Word Count
1,331

THE DEMOCRATIC VOTE CAMPAIGN. White Ribbon, Volume 19, Issue 219, 18 September 1913, Page 1

THE DEMOCRATIC VOTE CAMPAIGN. White Ribbon, Volume 19, Issue 219, 18 September 1913, Page 1

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