IRISH NEWS

New Zealand Tablet, Volume L, Issue 34, 30 August 1923, Page 43

IRISH NEWS

THE POPE AND THE CHRISTIAN' BROTHERS. BRITISH AID FOR BELFAST. THE ELECTION PROSPECTS

The text of a letter has been published which the Holy Father has addressed to the Superior-General of the Irish Christian Brothers in connection with the approaching centenary of the canonical establishment of that Institute in Ireland. Having recalled the remarkable growth of the stately tree in the course of these hundred years, and having bestowed words of warm praise on the pedagogical methods of the Brothers, his Holiness observes that now that the old rules have been reformed and brought up to date, so as to make them more suitable to altered times and circumstances, they will be diligently observed and guarded; and concludes by expressing the fervent hope that in the discharge of their Order’s task of educating youth the Brothers, in ever-increasing numbers will fix their eyes and hearts only on God’s glory and the salvation of souls.

Clyde unions and workers intend to make a vigorous protest against the action of the British Government in allowing three Royal Mail Co. steamers to be contracted for by Messrs. Harland and Wolff, Belfast, when there are so many shipyard men idle on the Clydeside (wires the Daily Herald correspondent). The Government is advancing £2,300,000 to finance the contract, which causes Clyde men to complain that the Tory Cabinet is more concerned about Ulster than about the Clydeside, where 100,000 men are idle. The Clyde Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades’ Federation is meeting at once to consider a course of action. Mr. William Mackie, organiser of the Boilermakers’ Society, said it was queer the contract should be earmarked for Belfast when Harland and Wolff had yards on the Clyde, where they were as competent to do the work as Belfast.

One of the speakers at the meeting held in Limerick recently to welcome the President was Monsignor O’Gorman, of Australia. His speech was suggestive. He is visiting Ireland after twenty-seven years’ absence, and he that what most surprises him is the strange absence of enthusiasm over the victories that the people have won. There is, of course, a sad reason for this. Faction spoiled the joy of the triumph, and lives lost and blood shod wantonly and unnecessarily stifled the voice of rejoicing. But if Monsignor O’Gorman goes more deeply, he will find in the popular heart something more lasting than the enthusiasm of victory—the grim determination to preserve its fruits, and ripen them in all their richness. Meantime, they will be gratified by what Monsignor Hogan says about Australian opinion, of which there have been so many versions. Australia stands, he declares, where it has always —solidly behind the policy that represents the opinion of the Irish people. It is not likely to be dislodged from that position by Mr. de Valera’s exegesis on the differences between his own oath of allegiance to King George and the Treaty oath. Both oaths are the same to Australia. •

People are beginning to look forward to the general election. It can hardly be said that they are showing zest for the coming contest, but it is rather too soon to expect a rising temperature and feverish pulses, because the date of the event is not known, and since the new register has not been completed even Ministers cannot give much enlightenment on this point. Earnest politicians who complain about the apathy of the public are therefore striking a censorius note a little prematurely. If a visitor’s impression may be recorded, Dublin people are too cheerful for controversy at the moment. The establishment of peace has produced a decided reaction of spirits and they have certainly earned a respite from emotional stress. They will be keen enough no doubt when the time comes, but for the present they are mainly curious as to the manner in which political forces will align themselves. In this respect perhaps there are grounds for anxiety. It appears as if the election will be largely a conflict of class interests and that in consequence there will be a considerable diversion

of the public mind from the main issues, which must, after all, be reconstruction and the consolidation of the peace. When it appeals to the country the Government will have committed itself to a dark adventure, so far as an outside observer can judge. It has grappled manfully with a tremendous task and put the country under a heavy debt, but it has been compelled to do stern things which have incurred ill will. Moreover, there is little gratitude in politics. thus every group that puts forward candidates and gains seats must gam them from the present compact Ministerial majon y. there will probably be six such groups. Three may be counted upon with certainty, namely, the Farmers’ Union the Labor Party, and the Republicans. In addition there are likely to be business men candidates, nominees of the town tenants’ organisation, and a sprinkling 0 independents. Perhaps the groups most dangerous to the Government majority will be the Labor Party and the armors Party. Both expect to win new seats. The farmers are not exactly unfriendly to the Government. Mr. Gorey admits that there are about ten Ministers whom it would be a national calamity to lose,” but the rest, he says, could very well be replaced by farmers. Even so it is not certain that a large farmers’ group in the Dail would m a source of strength to the Government. It would be a group as rabidly assertive of class interests as any political force in the country. The Irish Labor Party is not at all certain to increase its representation greatly. The return of internal dissension-though there are no signs that Mr Larkin will prove a serious force at the polls-has weakened the party. A week ago he declared that he did not want and was not going to try for a seat in the Dail, but he added, inconsequentially, that if he did win a seat it would be for the purpose of making the Dail ridiculous. From this dark saying the public is left to infer what it may as to his intentions. If he does not appear as a candidate himself he may secure the nomination of some of his friends and that would not help the more reasonable section of the par y. Ihe party is said to expect to improve its position, and to base its expectation upon the large extension of the franchise. Clearly, then, the new Dail is going to be an assemblage of groups, and V is not improbable that President Cosgrave may retain office at the expense of co-operation with other groups— other words, that the next election may result in some kind of coalition government. The Ministry desires, of course, to have a strong body of its own supporters, it realises the possibilities of government by groups and is anxious to avert the dangers. “This is no time for sectionalism,” says President Cosgrave when paying his week-end visits to different parts of the country. “National, not class, interests,” say his Ministers and rank and file supporters up and down the country. - They are urging the revival of Cumann na n-Gaedheal. This body, the title of which may be translated as the Confederation of the Gaels, formerly consisted of people who were advanced Nationalists and whose aims were partly political and partly cultural. It was largely superseded rather than absorbed by the Sinn Fein organisation. There is a surviving remnant of it, and this remnant the Government hopes will be the nucleus of a large Ministerial party. The programme of this party has not been defined, Ministers being content for the present with the general formula “The consolidation of Ireland’s nationhood.” If one may borrow a term from English politics, Oumann na n-Gaedheal is 'being revived as a centre party. The revival appears to be making good progress.