THE IRISH SITUATION

New Zealand Tablet, 25 April 1918, Page 29

THE IRISH SITUATION

Cable messages received during the past two weeks give the following indication of present movements: —‘ April 9. The Daily Express'.. says that the Home Rule Bill includes; "An Irish Parliament at Dublin, with a responsible executive; military service; safeguards for the Protestant minorities no control over the British Army or Navy, or foreign policy a new arrangement about Customs duties. Universal military service (states the Express) will be placed before the Irish people as a corollary to self-government. It is understood that the Government is of opinion that the report, of. the Irish Convention justifies the enactment of the Government’s scheme. Mr. Lloyd George has announced that it is impossible to omit Ireland from conscription in view of the present emergency. He mentioned that the Irish Convention’s report was adopted only by a majority, and therefore the Government was obliged to take the" responsibility of settling Home Rule. It is understood that the Government has decided that conscription in Ireland must be enforced, in view of the heavy sacrifices asked of the rest of v Britain. There is, however, no question of a bargain regarding Home Rule, though the Government hopes that a Bill on the lines of the Convention’s report will assist the acceptance of conscription. A meeting of the Dublin City Corporation, by 38 votes to 3, adopted a resolution warning the Government of the disastrous results which would follow any attempt to force conscription on Ireland, which- the resolution characterised as an insane proposal that would be resisted in every town and village in the country. The Dillonites are furious at the Government’s -decision as to conscription for Ireland. It is expected that some of the pacifist M.P.’s will support them, but the Laborites are whole-heartedly in support of the Government. The Daily Chronicle states that the Irish Convention’s report contains no recommendations, but it is understood that the Convention arrived at a considerable measure of agreement. April 10. Mr. Hazleton (Nationalist M.P. for North Galway), in the course of an interview at New York, said the enforcement of compulsion in Ireland would spell tragedy and utter disaster. Mr. T. P. O’Connor (Nationalist M.P. for Scotland), declared that compulsion would paralyse friends and encourage bitterest enemies. Such an insane blunder would render futile the best efforts of Irish leaders everywhere. The Man-power Bill second reading was carried by 313 votes to 100. April 11. There was an extraordinary scene at the closing of the debate. Sir Auckland Geddes rose to sum up, when the Nationalists shouted, “Duke! Duke!’’ The Speaker vainly appealed for order, the scene lasting for a quarter of an hour, though Mr. Dillon appealed to his friends to allow Sir A. Geddes to be heard. Finally Mr. Bonar Law pointed out that Mr. Duke intended to speak on Irish matters later on.

Sir A. Geddes said the Army authorities-and the Chief Imperial Staff considered that the Bill was vitally necessary. There was no alternative except to let the. armies down. Pie was certain that . Parliament. and the country would never do this. , - _ : / i The motion for the application of the closure was, carried. ' ’ ' : ; ; Sir C. E. Hobhouse’s amendment was defeated by 321 votes to 106, and the second reading of the Bill was carried. • . The ever-increasing seriousness of the news from the front, as disclosed in the communiques, strongly influenced the House of Commons over the second reading of the Man-Power Bill. It is evident that no one wants a change of Government, and still less a general election, so the firmnessof Mr. Bonar Law in sticking to the letter of the Bill proved a source of strength to the Government. His direct challenge to the House to throw out the Government if the House disapproved of the extension of conscription to Ireland was so bold and uncompromising that it took everybody aback, and touched the imagination of the majority of members,' Sir George Cave (Home Secretary) was also loudly cheered for saying: “It is said that resistance will be offered by Ireland. If so, resistance will be overcome." In the House of Commons Mr. Dillon protested against the Government’s plan to dispose of the Irish clauses of the Bill on Friday. It was outrageous to confine the debate to a single day. Pie charged the Government with deliberately withholding the Convention’s report until after the Irish debate. Mr. Bonar Law denied that the Government was delaying publication. The delay was due to the printers in Dublin. Mr. Healy, in suggesting the allotment of another day and a secret session, added; “We can tell you something of . the truth you have not yet heal’d regarding the consequences of compulsion in Ireland." Mr. Bonar Law moved a guillotine motion, allotting three days to the committee stage, and another day for report and the third-reading stages, also prohibiting dilatory motions. He said this was the first occasion on which the Government had so acted since the war. The urgency of the measure was the justification for this course. The military authorities urged the Government to summon Parliament for this special purpose. ■ Mr. Holt moved an amendment giving four days to the committee stage. Mr. Bonar Law accepted this, but proposed to sit on Friday night and Saturday afternoon.The amendment and the proposals were carried. Messrs. De Valera and Griffith (Sinn Fein leaders) have consented to confer with Messrs. Dillon and Devlin regarding compulsion for Ireland. April 12. Mr. Dooley (Nationalist), at the request of his supporters, decided, as a protest against compulsion, not to contest North King’s County against a Sinn Feiner. The polling is fixed for the 25th inst. April 13. > The Times Dublin correspondent says that the Convention’s report has passed unheeded. The whole country is preoccupied with the question of compulsion.

Tho iJlstet Council has : issued a statement [ which declares that c the report lacks the safeguards -v of previous Home Rule Bills in c securing the supremacy©! the Imperial Parliament. Owing- to the growth of Sinn Feinism and the failure of the Nationalists to win -recent by-elections, it is pretty obvious that an Irish ; General Election would place the balance of power in the hands of a party who are preparing, with assistance and promises of arms, to strike a blow at the heart of the Empire, reducing Ireland to the condition of Russia, * .r: .. :- - In the House of Commons, the debate on the provisions of the Man-power Bill was continued. They were keenly discussed, and - practically all went to a division. ‘t An amendment exempting doctors over 50 years of age was , defeated; also an amendment rendering the clergy liable to combatant service. The first clause was then carried, but Sir George Cave suggested that the question - of the clergy’s combatant service should be discussed later. The committee then considered the second clause, extending compulsion to Ireland. Mr. J. C. R. Lardner (Nationalist) moved an amendment to the effect that compulsion do not apply to Ireland until the Irish Parliament approved. A lengthy debate ensued. Mr. J. McVeagh (Nationalist) declared that Ireland had become a shambles. Mr. Henderson said he never remembered a clause so fraught with such danger and disastrous consequences. .; • _ - Mr, Asquith said, in view of the urgency and perils of the war situation, he could not be a party to obstructing those responsible for extricating the country from the .peril. He had not in the least modified his views on the responsibility-the Government was assuming. He asked why should not the generous measure of self-government which Mr. Lloyd George promised be passed'without delay while preparations were being made to put compulsion in Ireland into force. He appealed to the Government to state explicitly that this would be done. He believed that serious trouble would be thereby avoided. Mr. Duke (Irish Secretary) said the Government was'determined to deal with its pledge with regard to Irish self-government in such a way as to satisfy Irish aspirations. There was no reason why the Selfgovernment Bill should not be on the Statute Book at an early date. The Bill would be presented and prosecuted with the greatest despatch. Nothing would be more satisfactory to the Government than that a Parliament should be established at Dublin before any man joined the colors. Mr. J. Devlin (Nationalist) declared that Ireland wanted the same status and power as Australia and Canada. Let Mr. Duke satisfy Irish aspirations in that way, leaving Ireland to decide the compulsion question, and Ireland would start anew in friendly relationship with Britain. If this were done he would join the army forthwith as a private, and persuade others to do the same. Mr. Lardner’s amendment was negatived by 280 votes to 108. Mr. Bonar Law, in < closing the debate, said the Government would be craven not to try and get troops from Ireland. No other constituted authority could do it, as the defence of the realm remained with the British Parliament. There was no validity in the Australian analogy. America was calling up its citizens compulsorily, and it was impossible, to say that America ought to do this while we should not. The clause was adopted by 281 votes to 115. April 14. Commenting on the Irish situation, the Daily News and Daily Chronicle deplore the Government’s attitude on compulsion. ' The Morning Posp says that the nation is being asked to betray Ulster and to placate Sinn Fein. The Daily Telegraph and The Times emphasise the responsibility of |the Government to find a settlement ; in fulfilment of the Prime Minister’s pledge.

- ■•■-.. . Sir Horace Plunkett, ’conversing with : ; pressmen, said the most he had hoped, for was a substantial agree-, merit, - not unanimity. .: The .Convention had, abolished the Irish question outside »of Ulster, and \ later the situation- would be so changed that : it would be much easier, to negotiate with.'-Ulster." - The Convention had not dissolved, .only adjourned sine die. The .partition of Ireland would be no.- settlement, . and it would be better to wait than ■ to start Home Rule with partition. The strength * of the Ulster opposition was mainly on religious; grounds. . • - ■ 1 Reports from Ireland, stated -Sir A. Geddes, showed much activity in recruiting departments, . and many in Dublin had joined up, these including many Englishmen. Should all these evaders of military service join the army,.; it > would receive 30,000 recruits, . ,■■ . .' ' /' ■ • ■ ■ * April 15. - The Daily News says that a serious Cabinet situation developed during the week-end, owing to Labor's opposition to Irish compulsion, and that it may lead to the resignation of the Labor Ministers. ... . . -; ; Cardinal Logue (Archbishop of Armagh), speaking at Duncannon, said that proposals vitally affecting all sections in Ireland were - being hurried” through the British Parliament with unseemly haste. The Government was making the gravest blunder, which would lead to the utmost disorder and chaos, and would be met by strenuous passive resistance. Cardinal Logue deprecated any organised physical resistance. . In the House of Commons, Mr. Bonar Law refused a Nationalist request for an additional day’s discussion on the application of compulsion to Ireland. Labor members of the Government will meet Mr. Lloyd George to-night to discuss the position of Labor as regards Home Rule. The Parliamentary Labor Party considers that a Home Rule Bill on the lines of the Irish Convention, with adequate safeguards for Ulster, should precede Irish compulsion. It is believed that a meeting with Mr. Lloyd George will clarify the position and remove any antagonism of the Labor Party on this question. In the House of Commons Sir E. Carson strongly criticised the machinery of the Man-power Bill as applied to Ireland. While strongly in favor of compulsion in Ireland, he asked how the Government was going to apply itwhether by establishing military tribunals or local tribunals similar to those in England ? The Government seemed ashamed of the measure. He gravely doubted whether the Government really mean to put the Bill into force, and urged the Government to tell Ireland everything. At the present moment the Government was playing with Ulstermen and Nationalists alike. Mr. Devlin declared that the Government was in a state of panic. In order to cover its own misdeeds it was raising an anti-Irish cry to create civil war in Ireland. Sir G. Cave warmly repudiated Mr. Devlin’s suggestion. The Government’s only purpose was to call up the manhood of the whole country to participate in tbe war. It was asking Irishmen to make the same sacrifices as Englishmen and Scotsmen. The Government intended the Act to be applied in Ireland in a similar fashion to that in which it was applied in England. Sir G. Cave announced that in view of the importance of the continuance of religious ministrations and the fact that the calling up of ministers would not yield much military man-power, the Government .was willing to continue their exemption. In the House of Commons, Sir Auckland Geddes stated that Ulster had contributed over 58,000, and the rest of Ireland over 65,000 recruits. V April 16. . In the House of Commons, Mr. Dillon moved the omission of clause 2, enabling an Order-in-Council to apply to man-power in Ireland. He said , that no power in earth had the moral right to conscript a single resident in Ireland except a body representing the Irish nation. ' The attempt would have consequences as farreaching and, serious as the attempt to: tax the, Ameri-

can colonies. He had . been- 40 years in ; political life, * :and L had : never known anything approaching the feeling : in Ireland to-day. If conscription were* applied,’ the * chaos and : confusion ; would be r appalling. • Already Business was becoming paralysed. The Nationalists believed that Sir E. Carson and the Orangemen • had 11 started compulsion for the purpose of raising such a passion that Home Rule settlement would be im- ■: possible. ■ Mr, Barnes, in reply- to Mr. Dillon, -promised that?*the Government would bring in a Home ’ Rule Bill immediately and use every pressure to pass it into law.;. He believed Home Rule might pass before the clause for national service became operative, but he refused to pledge the Government to this ‘effect? ; - Answering Mr. Healy’s interjection Mr. Lloyd . George said: The Government will resign if it fails to carry Home Rule or if the Lords reject it. ' # v- ' Sir E. Carson said he would support ,the Manpower Bill even if the Government put Ulster under the Nationalists, as was now threatened. He would prefer anything to'the whole of civilisation being impeded by a victory by our enemies. Sir E. Carson continued : It was now clear that no recruits, in Ireland would be conscripted until the Home Rule Bill was passed. The Government was handing over Ulster as the price of compulsion. He asked if the Nationalists would withdraw their objection to compulsion when the Bill passed. - Personally he believed that compulsion would be even more difficult then, as the Irish Government would oppose it. April 17. * In his speech in the House of'Commons, Sir Edward Carson said it was wrong for the Government to try to pass Irish compulsion by a bribe and by throwing over those who had been faithful to it in the past. The Government was trying to please everybody, but in ->the long run it pleased nobody. He besought Ulstermen to go on, keeping an eye on the prosecution of the war, regardless of the seriousness and sadness of the vista opening before them. Mr. Lloyd George, replying to Mr. Dillon’s reference to the American colonies, said the positions were not analogous. That was a case of taxation without representation. The Prime Minister warmly defended the Government’s right to conscript men in Ireland for the defence of the Empire. Regarding Sir E. Carson’s accusation that the pledge that Home Rule would not be placed on the Statute Book until after the war had been broken, Mr. Lloyd George said that nobody contemplated that the war would last four years. Such prolonged suspense was a peril to the whole Empire. The proposals in the Bill were considered to be the best means to prosecute the war, and had been framed without any thought of political advantage or disadvantage. Compulsion for Ireland had been introduced only because the emergency demanded more drastic recruiting measures in Britain, which would feel the injustice unless Ireland were included. American opinion supported the Man-power Bill, provided that Ireland was offered Home Rule. If the Bill failed to pass, those responsible for its failure ought to be answerable for the direction of the war. The Bill was not offered as a bargain. Each measure 1 (Home Rule and Military Service) must be taken on its merits. . . k

c Since the Bill was introduced, continued Mr. Lloyd George; he had had days of despondency and days of hope. The Germans aimed at destroying the British army, but this plan had failed. The enemy had inflicted heavy losses, but they were nothing to the losses which the enemy had sustained. ; The French army was intact, and the American army was pouring across. If we stood firmly together, not giving way to fear or panic, we would win through, in the end. V-- ’ The clause (compulsion in Ireland) was carried by 296 votes to. 123. v Mr. Dillon declared : This is the worst day’s work for ; England in the war period. - - April 18. ‘n • The second reading of the Bill was carried.

The whole of .the Nationalists were absent from the House'of. Commons to-day, attending a conference with f,. ■• ■- e - ; :'-’- ¥ i t "’•’■"■■ ' ' ■•„■- • i'r r '\' 1 • '*■•’■ r». -■•' - •#-.': -r f•-*•■<-- - >'• •' '.” - " Sinn Feiners at Dublin. •; .v' ’n. - April 19. . The Sinn , Fein conference has issued a manifesto denying the right of any external authority to . impose conscription on Ireland. _ v The conference states that the passing of the Manpower.* Bill must be regarded as , a declaration .of war on Ireland, and« as a direct ’violation of the rights, of small nationalities. ~.- ,/ ■. ~ : The conference adds: “We invite all to resist conscription by the most effective means possible.”

April 21 i

«The situation in 'lreland is becoming increasingly dangerous. ■ * ' ' Crime and lawlessness have temporarily simmered down, but there are indications that a .great storm is brewing. The fact that the Church has taken over control and will throw its entire weight into the struggle is regarded as of great significance. Maynooth, Waterford, and other theological colleges have disbanded in order to concentrate arrangements in connection with the anti -conscription pledge. Labor has declared a general holiday for Tuesday to enable the workers to sign the pledge. Meetings of protest have been organised all over the country. - ' The prejudices of the people in Southern Ireland, where the Sinn Fein is highly organised, are fed by the wildest stories of the progress of the fighting. The Irish Catholic Hierarchy after the ' Maynooth meeting passed a resolution that the Irish people possess the right to resist conscription by all means consistent with God's ■■■drill. It has also ordered an announcement in every church on April 21 of the anticonscription meetings, at which a pledge will be taken to resist conscription by every means. _ v The Dublin Conference decided to prepare a statement of the Irish case against conscription for presentation to the world, and it requested the Lord Mayor of Dublin to proceed to Washington personally to present the case to President Wilson. -

Sir Edward Carson has sent the following message to the Belfast press : —“Our clear duty is -to support the .gallant soldiers at the front and to resist any Home Rule Bill degrading Ulster." r ,' Dr. Macartan, a Sinn Feiner, has been returned unopposed for Tullamore.