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Italy
It is hardly worth while speaking about so obvious a thing as the Italian debacle, but there have been comments made on it which in their turn call for comment. We have been regaled with the usual stock-in-trade cables from London, shifting the blame, anywhere from the right shoulders. When you read statements that the debacle, so swift and so sure, was due to the Italians themselves, do not forget that for a long time the Italians have asked, and asked in vain, for heavy guns and munitions. A few days before the attack was delivered the New York Times published an article on the need of sending guns and munitions to Italy, pointing out that the Italians insisted that it was far better for America to send them the heavy artillery without which they were powerless against the threatened attack than to send men to the western front. They did not get the guns or the munitions and the expected blow fell. Once again through their own stupidity the Allies have left one of their partners in the lurch. How will it end this time?
A Word to Electors
Sometime or other there will be a general election. It will not happen as long as the present Parliament can cling to their jobs, but it will come later. We wish to ask our Catholic voters not to forget to remember how some of their representatives voted recently. You Catholics of Taranaki are numerically strong, and it would be no harm if you used your strength against the men who voted for Howard Elliott— for that is really what it comes towhen Mr. Massey, like a loyal Orangeman, led the bigots against the Brothers. The Catholics of Timaru also have need to examine their consciences. hat return has the illustrious Mr. Craigie made for your support ? How has he kept his pledges ? But of course we should be foolish to think that pledges or scraps of paper” matter to many men in that galley. While remembering these things in our hearts, let us not forget the men who stood for principle and defied the wild wowser and his threats, Messrs. Isitt, Walker, and Witty shall not be forgotten if Catholics have any memory for political honesty and upright conduct. Finally, if at a time when it seemed that we had not a man to save us from the tyranny of Sir James Allen, K.C.8., we reminded Sir Joseph Ward that people were expecting more from him, we now -welcome the opportunity to express our admiration for the stand he ha„s made for justice and principle against bigotry and Orangeism. As long as he maintains such a firm attitude he will have the support of every man in New Zealand whose support is worth having, even though he should lose the favor of people whose opposition is a testimonial to him.
The Aims of the Allies
The New Russia taught the world two lessons, one of sincerity, the other of moral, loyalty. The Old Russia responded to the appeal of Servia, but this course also fell in with the Czar’s Pan-Slav ideas, confounding imperialistic notions with those of nationality ; the Old Russia proclaimed the independence of Poland, but in doing so aimed at the conquest of it, inasmuch as it was to remain under Russian-protection; to withdraw Armenia from the domination of the Turk was an act of civilisation, but it also meant annexing the country and linking it up with Russian territory and Russia’s aims regarding Constantinople, were frankly aims of conquest. The lesson-in sincerity consisted in the candid admission of these aims. . We fear, however, that it is a lesson in vain. The tendency in certain other countries we wot of is not to be sincere in acknowledging their faults, but to denounce as traitors those who point them out: which is the surest proof of ignorance and ill-will that it is possible to have. The second lesson was. in that Russia, acknowledged the faults and then at once renounced.every claim to unjust
imperialistic gains, "a moral lesson of loyalty to conscience which no nation can imitate until it has first got grace to admit its. sins. And here let it be noted that the formula“ Peace without annexations” is incorrect, the true translation being “peace without contributions and without annexations.”
How the Allies Agreed The English Note praised the Russian people who aimed at dominating no other race, and wished to occupy no foreign territory, and protested that the Government cordially participated in such sentiments! It also said that the aim of Britain was to free oppressed people from their tyrants. France asserted t at she , ac * no. thought of oppressing any people, even the hereditary enemies of France, and defined her aim in the war as the triumph of right and justice everywhere. Wilson— know what Wilson said, and low he changed his mind when the Pope said practically the anyhow he, too, was in the war for the liberation of small nations and other things. Finally, the Italian Note declared that Italy received the Russian Note with the liveliest satisfaction, and that her aim in the war was the triumph of the people and the security of the independence of Italy, to the exclusion of all spirit of conquest and dominion. Now -he man in the street would conclude that these fine phrases meant that, supposing they tell the truth, the statesmen who drew up the English Note are working tooth and nail to give Ireland her independence, as they have not said that there is one small nation which they desire to see persecuted by her tyrants still. And a logical group of men like the Italian Ministers must surely be now quite willing to give back to the Pope the territory of which they robbed him. We know per-, fectly well that they will not. We also know perfectly well that the Orangemen and Tories who have plundered Ireland would rather lose the war than see Ireland free. At any rate Carson, Captain Craig and several others have practically said so. The question then remains, what on earth do such fine, diplomatic words mean If Ireland had not been treated as she has been during the last three years the path of English statesmen would have been an easier one, and Germany would not always have one unanswerable argument to fling in the face of the British Government. But the Orangemen rule. And we know them. On the whole we think some of Russia’s Allies have yet a long way to go before they are capable of imitating her. Russia is the publican who prays, O God, be merciful to me a sinner”; some of the others pray, “Thank God I am not as others are.”
The New Ireland
We have received a letter from an Irish priest who is intimately in touch with the leaders of thought in the Irish capital, and who is in a position which adds great weight to his opinion at present. “At last,” he says, we have a real national feeling, uncontaminated by West Britonism, Imperialism, or Liberalism, or Whiggery. We are asserting ourselves as something more than an English county, or even an English colony, and we claim the political rights of a nation with a historic, racial, cultural, religious record to its credit such as few other nations possess. While we claim that, and mean to press it as an international question— Poles, Slavs, and minor mushroom nationalities are encouraged to do— will take Dominion Home Rule provided that we have a military force under our control to keep what we get. Few place any hope in the English-made, English-consti-tuted, unrepresentative Convention. Possibly with a few more Sinn,Fein victories the anti-national elements and the bogus Home Rulers may be frightened into agreeing to a Dominion Home Rule constitution for an undivided Ireland. But most nationalists nowadays look forward to a rattling s series of constitutional struggles of a very bitter and unprecedented character, and the only assistance they look for is a revolution of some kind or other in England. . The appeal to the Peace Conference is to assert a principle, and to make
the Irish question a live question abroad—one that the British Government and other Governments will know exists, and will be cropping up awkwardly unless it is settled in the only way it can be settled. The abstention-from-Parliament policy has made great headway. No Irish body of M.P.’s can come under Westminster influence for ten years and remain uncorrupted. Everybody is influenced by his surroundings ; add to this the social and political evil influences and the jobbery at Westminster and it is easy to explain the downfall of Irish Parties. What great Irish reform was ever won by any means other than a popular movement led by the real representatives of the people ? Catholic Emancipation was— the words of Wellingtondue to fear of civil war. The Tithe Question was settled by a bloody fight and passive resistance all over the country. Disestablishment, according to its author, Gladstone, was won by the Fenians. We know in our own time how the land agitation was settled. The day of the present Irish Party is done; and no loss. They supported the Liberals in 1906, when they pledged themselves not to briny in a Home Rule Bill. They supported them up to 1910, except at one byelection, without wringing a single promise from them. They allowed General Elections to be fought on other issues than Home Rule. They supported the Budget which put £1,500,000 additional, unnecessary taxation on the Irish people, asking and getting nothing in return. They made their capital mistake over the Ulster Question, advocating partition of the country and playing into the hands of the Orangemen. Last of all there were Redmond and Dillon going about saying, the one, that the only question for Ireland now was to win the war, and the other, that the wretched Home Rule Bill on the Statute Book settled everything. However we will soon clear them out, and when the new franchise comes they won’t exist. I need not tell you what produced the change. If the Irish abroad only stick to us now we will shortly have the making of our own destinies in our own hands.” This letter corroborates all we have been saying lately about the marvellous revival of the Irish people and our readers may take it that the views expressed herein are the views of the Irish people to-day. Man} who are not well abreast of the current movements are inclined still to discredit the Sinn Feiners, partly, no doubt, because some of the lying cables sent out by the corrupt English press after the Easter Rising did to a certain extent succeed in misleading people, out here, partly too because it is not an easy thing to discard old beliefs and to accustom oneself to entirely new ways of thought. Personally we lost all faith in the Party on the day when they were satisfied to act as recruiting agents for England on the strength of a British promise, and the whole trend of events since then has confirmed the opinion the present editor then expressed in the columns of the Tablet that John Redmond was making the greatest mistake of his life and losing an opportunity such as no Irish leader ever had before. There are many reasons which make us sorry for Mr. Redmond : there are many similar reasons which incline his old followers here to support him still. But we must remember that it is not a question of Mr. Redmond at all : it is Ireland is in question ; and the matter must be judged by cold reason and not by the heart.
“ A.E.” on Kipling Ever since reading Kipling’s vile, low attack on Parnell, we have been unable to see in the darling Empire poet anything higher than a super brute. It has been therefore a solace to us to read the following passages from an open letter to Kipling by “A.E.,” an Ulster Protestant whose spirit is as free from the fetters of flesh as Kipling’s is steeped hopelessly in brutality: "I speak to you, brother, because you have spoken to me,' or rather you have spoken for me. lam a native of Ulster. So far back as I can trace the faith of my fathers they held the faith for - whose free observance you are afraid, You have blood of our race in you, and you may perhaps ha-ve some knowledge of
Irish sentiment. You have offended against one of our noblest literary traditions in the manner in which, you have published your thoughts. You begin by quoting Scripture. You preface your remarks on Ulster by words from the mysterious oracles of humanity as if you had been an inflamed and inspired prophet of God ; and you go on to sing of faith in peril and patriotism betrayed and the danger of death and oppression by those who do murder by night, which things, if one truly feels he speaks of without consideration of commerce or what it shall profit him to speak. But you, brother, have withheld your fears for your country and mine until they could yield you a profit in two continents. After all this high speech about the Lord and the hour of national darkness it shocks me to find this following your verses : ‘Copyrighted in the United States by Rudyard Kipling.’ . . . You ape the lordly speech of the prophets and you conclude. by warning everybody not to reprint your words at their peril. . . . Not one of our writers when deeply moved about Ireland has tried to sell the gift of the spirit. You, brother, hurt me when you declare your principles, and declare a dividend to yourself out of your patriotism openly at the same time. ... I have lived all my life in Ireland, holding a different faith from that held by the majority. I know Ireland as few Irishmen know it, county by county, for I have travelled all over Ireland for years, and Ulster man as I am, and am proud of the Ulster people, I resent the crowning of Ulster with all the virtues and the dismissal of other Irishmen as thieves and robbers. I resent the cruelty with which you, a stranger, speak of the lovable and kindly people I know. You are not even accurate in your history when you speak of Ulster’s traditions and the blood our forefathers spilt. Over a century ago Ulster was the strong and fast place of rebellion, and it was in Ulster the Volunteers stood beside their cannon and wrung the gift of political freedom for the Irish Parliament. You are blundering in your blame. You speak of Irish greed in I know not what connection, unless you speak of the war waged over the land ; and yet you ought to know that both parties in England have by Act after Act confessed the absolute justice and rightness of that agitation. . . . For what party do you speak ? When an Irishman has a grievance you smite him. How differently you would have written of Runnymeade and the valiant men who rebelled when oppressed. Have you no soul left after admiring the heroes in your own history to sympathise with other rebels suffering deeper wrongs ? Can you not see deeper into the motives for rebellion than the hireling reporter who is sent to make up a case for a paper or a party ? The best men in Ulster will not be grateful to you. . . . They think Ireland is the best country in the world to live in, and they hate to hear Irish people spoken of as murderers and greedy scoundrels. Murderers! Why, there is more murder done in any four English shires in a year than in the whole four provinces of Ireland ! Greedy ! The nation never accepted a bribe, or took it as an equivalent for an ideal, and what bribe would not have been offered to Ireland if it had been willing to forswear its traditions ? I am a person whose' whole being goes into a blaze at the thought of oppression of faith, and yet I think my Catholic countrymen more tolerant than those whose faith I was born in. . . . I set my knowledge of a lifetime against your ignorance, and I say you have used your genius to do Ireland and its people a wrong. You have intervened in a quarrel of which you know nothing, like any brawling bully who passes, and only takes sides to use his strength. If there was a Court of Poetry, and those in power jealous of the noble name of poet, they would hack the golden spurs from your heels and turn you out of the Court. You had the ear of the world and you poisoned it with prejudice and ignorance. You had the power of song, and you have always used it on behalf of the strong against the weak. You have smitten with all your might against creatures who are frail on earth but mighty in the heavens, at generosity, at truth, at
justice, and heaven has withheld vision and power and beauty from you, for this your verse is but a shallow newspaper article made to rhyme. Truly ought the golden spurs be hacked from your heels and you be thrust out of the Court.”
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Bibliographic details
New Zealand Tablet, 15 November 1917, Page 14
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2,913Current Topics New Zealand Tablet, 15 November 1917, Page 14
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