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Bought Nobility - The peerage of England has humorously been styled the “Beerage” from the apparent facility with'which a man who is a successful brewer may become an English “nobleman.” Recently the House of Lords discussed the question whether peerages can be bought or no. One member saw no disgrace in rewarding a man for the judicious use of his money by crowning him and his descendants in perpetuity with strawberry leaves. Others protested that so sacred a thing as English nobility ought never be venal, and with the intelligence characteristic of that effete body declared that it could not be bought. Considering the origin of many of our hereditary legislators, and for what sort of services their ancestors were often ennobled—save the mark ! by English kings, we think it is a very crooked view of things which estimates elevation (or degradation) to the peerage as an honor of any sort at all. Land Nationalisation It looked some years ago as if Lloyd George would walk in the footsteps of Henry George. and make the land bear all or most of the burden of taxation. There are many sound arguments against nationalising the land, but nevertheless it would seem as if it were coming to pass. From the various war measures that have been enacted it appears that henceforth the owners of the land are no longer to be allowed to control their property and to dispose of it as they wish. Farmers may reconcile themselves to the fact that what they sow and what they reap, and to what extent they till their fields may in future be determined for them by the Government. And farmers who know every acre of their farms with an intimate knowledge born of years of experience will probably have to control their vexation or ridicule while amateur officials — a class well known in Irelandwill with the assurance of absolute ignorance lay down the law to them. Dora” Dora is not the name of a gentle girl. It is the title of the most mischievous and accursed thing that exists in the world at present. Take the initial letters of the words Defence of the Realm Act and you get the Dora we refer to. Dora is the name by which the intolerable Prussianism under which they live is known to the Irish people. And Dora is indeed a stalwart woman with all the power of England’s armed hordes at her back. There is hardly a thing that an Irishman can do that is not subject to the attentions of Dora. By her authority the Convention sits in secrecy behind bolted doors, and none may tell what occurs therein. If two or three Irishmen come together to discuss the welfare of the land they love above everything in this world Dora will have something to say to them. Dora talks a. deal herself, but woe to others if they think they are entitled to freedom of speech too. Chivalry dictates that women should be immune from attacks from the sterner sex, but the man who murders Dora and inters her hideousness will deserve well of his country. Dora is of course an Orange female. In fact she is a blood relation of Carson’s, The Pope’s Note On August 24, through his Secretary of State, Pope Benedict XV. issued a statement with reference to certain comments made on his Peace Note. “History,” he said, “teaches us that a form of government imposed by arms does not.and cannot live. Democracy will receive such impulse from the war that wisdom must prevent it deteriorating into excessive forms • such as anarchism.” He insists that respect must be had for the . will, of the people : themselves, who having the right of universal suffrage, may choose whatever form of government they please. . His Holiness ; stated that his refer- ‘ ehce to disarmament and freedom of the seas was based

directly on.President..Wilson’ s'address .'to the Senate. He took up every point in his Note showing how it . was supported by public utterances of statesmen of the belligerent nations, declaring that rejection of the appeal .would mean reversal of the sentiments previously expressed by these officials. With reference to Belgium he said that an exception should be made in her case in the matter of indemnities and condonation of damages caused by the war. “The first two points of the Note, treating, respectively, of disarmament and freedom of the seas, were suggested by President Wilson’s well-known message to the Senate. Consequently we are inclined to believe that they will find, on the part of the American people, the same reception that they enjoyed when President Wilson proclaimed them at the Capitol. The third and fourth points, wherein mutual condonation of war expenses and damages, as well as mutual restoration of occupied territories was proposed, were formulated from public speeches recently delivered by statesmen of the different belligerent nations and from resolutions passed by their respective Parliaments. Therefore the same statesmen cannot refute them now without contradicting themselves. The fifth and sixth points concern special territorial questions, about which the Holy Father does not and could not propose any definite and concrete solution. Consequently he confines himself to expressing a wish that said questions shall be examined in a conciliatory spirit, taking into consideration as far as possible any just aspirations of the people. The Holy See wishes to emphasise the fact that the appeal was not suggested by any of the belligerents and was not inspired for the particular advantage of any warring nation.” We have already pointed out that the Note was in agreement with President Wilson’s statements, as well as with the formula of the Russian Government. As the Pope truly says the rejection of his Note on the part of the Entente means nothing else than that statesmen swallow their own words. Comments on the Pope’s Note The London Tablet does not like to say outright that the Pope was mistaken, but it implies it in an editorial on the appeal for peace. Its opinion is that the Pope is moved by his conviction that the war means suicide for Europe, and that if that view be the true one his suggestion ought to be accepted at once. But the Tablet thinks that the Pope is wrong, and that the British Government is justified in its assurance that the Allies will end the struggle more effectively by the sword. We do not think the Tablet states the case fairly. Admitting that the hopes of victory entertained by the Allies —or by some of themare well founded there is still no reason to dismiss the Pope’s appeal as a less satisfactory solution. The victory may be finally assured, but it is certain that it can only come after a prolonged struggle; so prolonged as to justify the Pope’s view that a continuation means suicide. We have already quoted the opinions of Italian statesmen to show that in their view there is no hope at all for a victory by force in any reasonable period. And we believe that this conclusion is the only one warranted by facts. After a long stay in Europe William Bayard Hale, Staff Correspondent of the N.T. American, says: “It is apparent that beyond any discussion the warring people of Europe are eager for an early peace, although of course a certain amount of bluff is maintained by their Governments.” This opinion was formed after long association with Russians, Frenchmen, and Englishmen, and we have no doubt that it represents exactly the mind of the mass of the European peoples. In an address to the American Federation of Catholic Societies Archbishop Hanna says, “There will be no permanent, abiding concord of princes and>of rulers until the men who sway the destinies of nations recognise the great moral sanctions of life, recognise that the human being is more valuable than all earth’s possessions, recognise that mercy must season .justice, recognise the higher code taught by Christ, in accordance with which men are ruled by moral force, and listen as r the age of faith listened to him who, in the

ways of Providence, represents Christ on earth, and who By his very place in the world is by divine appointment the ‘ mediator of peace.' The Archbishop lays his finger on the sore: Because the nations do not yet recognise the spirit of Christ they will not hearken to the Pope. And if you think Germany stands alone in this attitude remember Carson and Yiviani and all the crimes and the persecution they stand for in Ireland and in Prance. Towards Peace From an American exchange we take the following : “‘The Christmas bells will be peace bells,’ writes John M. Stuart, International News Staff Correspondent to the New York Call. ‘ Peace negotiations will be in full swing by the New Year ’ is a sentiment in circles close to the White House. There is still the amazing industry of those connected with the preparations of the United States. But there is also the admission that the engine of battle which the United States is building may never be launched against Germany. 4 How long will you be in Washington V a certain official here on special duty was asked to-day. He is one of the men closest to the centre of the administration. ‘ I’ll be here through the winter,’ he replied, ‘ my job will keep me here a couple of months after peace is declared anyway.’ ” If this is American opinion we ought to remember that it is precisely American opinion that matters now. How much it does matter may be gauged from a statement made recently by Bonar Law. At a banquet givqn by the Empire Parliamentary Association to Medill McCormack, Congressman-at-Law for Illinois, the Chancellor said: ‘‘The Germans have been lately saying that the Entente was relying on America as their last hope. I want to say to you that we do rely on the United States. As Chancellor of the Exchequer I am ready to say to you now what I should have been sorry to say to you six months ago, namely that without the United States’ financial assistance the Allies would have been in disastrous straits to-day. We have not yet seen the end.’’ Now even though we have a few papers in New Zealand that win the war once or twice a week, that statement of Bonar Law’s represents the naked truth, and probably understates it. The appeal of Balfour, backed by that of Viviani, ought to have been sufficient to show any intelligent man how very far from any dogmatic belief in ultimate victory the Entente were six months ago. If things are different to-day they owe it to America. And we take it that whether or no it be pleasing to British amour proprc America will say the decisive word when the time comes. Ireland ■] Last week we published an extract from a letter from an Irish priest who said he believed that the Government was again trying to drive Ireland into revolt, and in proof of his faith asserted that the military were breaking open the desks and even the altars in priests’ housesone. altar on which the Blessed Sacrament was kept having been violated. The day of our publication the local press contained a cable to the effect that Mr. Redmond had in the House of Commons also protested against the methods of the Government, stating that there was a common opinion in Ireland that the unbearable things' done were done in the interests of the irreconcilahles in England and Ireland who as we know would rather’ wreck the Empire than give Ireland justice. Before the Easter Rising Sheehy--Skeffington, the murdered pacifist, did all in his power to make the Government realise that they were driving the people to rebellion. They evidently wanted to do so then, and it seems as if the game is the same now. The Otago Daily Times publishes a bit of our reference to the methods of which our correspondent speaks. The Times - does not mention the breaking open of altars and the sacrileges.. But everyone who knows anything of the Times is not astonished at that. Let the Times learn the ; A B C of Irish; history;before, it presumes to write leaders on anything higher than the price of Irish pigs. ■; Once and for all the English Government has

the same right in Ireland as the. Germans have in Belgium, and as a Belgian is justified siifb trying to free his country so is an Irishman. “If I were an Irishman,” said Cardinal Newman (a staunch Tory), “I would be a rebel.” But Cardinal Newman was a fair man, and a man who, even where Ireland was concerned, lived and - judged according to the principles of justice. Utilitarianism is, of course the root of the average Tory’s view of Ireland: “It would not suit us; therefore we will not discuss whether it be just or no.” On the same plea Germany was justified in tearing up “the scrap of paper”; and. the Daily Times is a living witness that “the Castle gang” in Ireland-and the press that supports them here—live by the very principles that they condemn in others. Ireland will be content with Dominion self-Government, and thanks to the Sinn Feiners, who saw through the trickery of the British-made Convention, they will get it. Independence in the sense of complete separation is her right; but Irishmen are not going to insist on thatyet. We do not suppose half a dozen of our readers find time to read the editorials of the Times, but if any do they will on more than one occasion have perceived what sort of journalistic honesty is evinced in the way in which this ancient and time-worn old dame drops parts of quotations and picks and chooses fragments to suit herself when citing opponents. How the Times treated Bishop Moran’s correspondence is an old story. Monday’s issue of the Times contained two editorials on the Irish question, more thoroughly Prussian in spirit than anything “Granny” has yet accomplished. It is quite clear now that instead of being put among the advertisements “Civis” has been promoted to the editorial staff. Nobody else could display such ignorance or dishonesty about Irish affairs. For instance, he says the Sinn Feiners are very ungrateful for England’s kindness in exempting them from conscription ! For sheer unconscious humor commend us to that. Indeed the Times has displayed such form on Irish questions lately that the Orange Nation and that cultured organ of Elliott and his clique, the Free Press, had better look to their laurels. We suppose it is ignorance; but it is very hard to believe such ignorance is possible. The veteran lady is angry because the cables hint at German aid for Sinn Fein : of course it was all right when the Germans supplied Carson with rifles. Poor old Times ! Blind, deaf, and stupid in her dotage, she deserves a little pity. But why don’t her friends look after her . ■ The Pope and Conscription A recent American exchange gives us a summary of a communication made by Cardinal Gasparri to the Associated Press expressing the views of the Pope on the question of conscription. The Cardinal Secretary of State pointed out that Rome had always opposed conscription as a most fertile cause of wars. It was never allowed in the Papal States, and Napoleon followed the Pope in this matter. While conscription led to wars it was certain that voluntary service was quite sufficient for the maintenance of good order. If conscription were abolished big armies, enormous munition plants, and militarism itself would be automatically destroyed, and the energy and money consumed in such unproductive ways could be profitably employed in naying off the huge war expenses. “Finally,” said Cardinal Gasparri, “the whole world, in addition to the suppression of compulsory military service, should proclaim the principle that no head of a State, or Emperor or King or President should have the right to proclaim ■ u-ar^without first consulting the people through a referendum. Conscription is a hideous burden on a free people, not only as regards finance, but also as regards liberty. Thus we saw Australia rejecting conscription although the feeling in Australia for the mother country was most loyal.” •’ The words of Cardinal Gasparri to the effect that conscription is a hideous burden on a people’s freedom constitute what we have . always .believed ■ to ; be the fundamental f objection to its introduction in this

country. .: It is- our /opinion that the Government of• New Zealand was guilty of injustice of the gravest nature when it introduced conscription and drove v to their deaths men who objected to go—a wrong aggravated by the undeniable fact that some of these men were certified by doctors "as of unsound constitutions and consequently absolutely unfit for military service into which they were tyrannically forced by our autocratic rulers. On sound principles of ethics the Government cannot justify itself for causing the deaths of these men. Indeed their bodily deaths are but an added guilt to the thousands of moral deaths for which the men who maintain the obsolete and pagan system of godless schools are answerable before their Creator. Conscription in this country has been an outrage on the rights of the Democracy of New Zealand. It is too late now to theorise about the matter, but we trust the people have learned a lesson which will teach them in future to prevent the men whom they elect as their representatives from becoming slave-drivers. It is a truth that cannot be gainsayed that liberty is the inalienable right of man ; it is from God : it is a sacred birthright. Governments are instituted for the welfare of- the community, and they have no right to interfere with human life or human liberty, which are almost the same thing. A Government cannot take away a man's life unless he forfeits it by his own crimes and misdemeanors: even for the public good no power on earth is justified in taking an innocent human life. A doctor is guilty of murder when he takes the life of an unborn babe even to save a mother's life. Next to life comes liberty. And if the Government has not the power of life and death over man neither has it the power arbitrarily to dispose of his liberty. It has a right to curb him, and to see that he abuse not his freedom to become a menace to the "State; but we believe that it has no more right to compel a man to take up arms and fight than it has to make a slave of him, and our opinion is that conscription is slavery Of a most unbearable type. However the question is one. not immediately connected with first principles, and therefore it allows room for diversity of opinion. But no opinion would grant to the .State any right to enforce conscription unless there were the gravest national urgency. And New Zealand did her part voluntarily. In the light of events we now see how the people were deceived by official falsehoods which led them to believe that the reinforcements were insufficient, while in fact a new brigade was formed out of superfluous reinforcements. In the light of Cardinal Gasparri's words we see how right Archbishop Maunix was.

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https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/periodicals/NZT19171101.2.21

Bibliographic details

New Zealand Tablet, 1 November 1917, Page 14

Word Count
3,231

Current Topics New Zealand Tablet, 1 November 1917, Page 14

Current Topics New Zealand Tablet, 1 November 1917, Page 14

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