Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, 4 October 1917, Page 14

Current Topics

China at War ; Neither the declaration of wax- nor other documents go to show that China is associating herself with the Entente Powers in her war with the Central Powers. In the text of the declaration which was signed by President Feng Kwo-Chang, ' China's .efforts to induce Germany to abandon her submarine policy are reviewed. It states that respect for international law and protection of the lives and the property of Chinese citizens forced China to sever relations with Germany and Austria. All existing treaties with the Central Powers are repudiated. China will respect the Hague Conventions with regard to the humane conduct of the war. In conclusion, the declaration states that China's object in taking this step is to hasten peace. Trouble in Canada Speaking at St.. James' Cathedral, Montreal, Archbishop Bruchesi told his hearers that affairs in Canada had reached a very grave crisis, that divisions between the provinces and between nationalities had been accentuated, and the country was on the verge of a religious war. Having expressed his regret that such was the position he protested against the tyranny of the Government: "Incontestable ■ rights have been violated. Laws have been passed of which even they who passed them seem to be afraid." In reference to the same trouble, the Month for August says: "The spirit of ascendancy, whether amongst the Magyars of Hungary or the Northern Protestants of Ireland, is always productive of unrest and disunion. Its latest manifestation seems to have occurred in Canada, wherein some of the French population, openly despised by many of their British fellow-citizens on the grounds of race and religion, and subjected to unfair discrimination on the score of language, have in retaliation resisted the movement for conscription favored by the British. . . . There is now no security for French interests in Canada in any region where the French are in a minority. They know well who it is that thus assails their faith under the cover of their language. They have too much experience of the subtle and brutal methods of Orangeism not to recognise its hand here. . . . The golden jubilee of Canada has, through the rancour of a politico-religious sect, coincided with the gravest peril the country has had to face." No Irish Catholic is surprised at this. We know too well that the interests of the country matter absolutely nothing to a Carson or an Elliott if there is a chance of injuring Catholics, no matter by what vile methods. The Return of Sir Wilfrid Laurier As a result of the position, it is confidently expected that Sir Wilfrid Laurier will, at the next elections, be returned by a large majority, and that conscription will drop. The Liberal Convention at Winnipeg, early in August, staggered the Government by the revelation of the strength of pro-Laurier opinion. It is believed that it has destroyed all hope of a union Government under Sir Robert Borden. After the turn of affairs in Western Canada the following statement was made by the Mayor of Montreal: "I consider it my duty to make a fresh appeal to the citizens to rest calm and dignified and not to be alarmed even if the rump Government should attempt to enforce conscription before the general elections which will be held shortly. . . I would ask those who might be inclined to resort to violence in the event of the Conscription Act being finally adopted, and of an attempt being made to enforce such Act, seriously to consider the consequences which their actions might have. . . . Our worst enemies 1 ask for nothing; better than to see •; anarchy in the province*" Many people in Canada and ;in the. United States"; maintain' that conscription is a violation ;of the constitutions of ■ the two countries, and , that it is nothing short of Prussianism of the worst type to compel men to leave the country to fight.

1.M.-J ■""--, ' < ■•■■ nciauu ~,"■■■". ..':■.'.''""' Recent private 1 letters from well-informed people in Ireland tell us that' the majority/of thei people have little faith in the Convention because the Government gave such assurances to Ulster that the Orangemen have only to be stubborn to destroy all chance of '.', a" settlement. One writer, a high ecclesiastic, expressed his opinion that the members of the Government had lost all sense of honor and shame, so little did they think of breaking pledges where Ireland is concerned. No wonder Irishmen laugh at the talk about the rights of small nations and the tearing up of scraps of paper! From one who is in touch with the Sinn Fein party we learn that even the extremists would accept a settlement on the basis of Colonial Self-Government. No Nationalist party will accept anything less than this. It is now recognised that the men who' died in Dublin. gave a new lease of life to Irish Ireland, and that never again will the people allow themselves to be sold, for empty English promises as they were at the beginning of the war. Pearse, McDonagh, and Plunkett died in the flower of their youth ; but their blood baptised a New Ireland, with clearer vision of her' rights and with a spirit more than ever unconquerable. There seems to be a disagreement among the Sinn. Femers of late Many, the more moderate party, adhere to the leadership of Eoin Mac Neill (who was sentenced to ten years in gaol for stopping the Rising),' while the Republican element follow De Valera, who' would, however, be contented with Colonial Home Rule, as a solution of the present difficulty But the question is will the packed Convention, with its outrageous guarantees to a bigoted minority, come to any decision? And what pledge has Ireland that even if it does the Government will keep faith this time? . * The Irish Convention Little is yet known about the progress made by the Irish Convention, and rumor is busy concerning the probable outcome of the deliberations The Sinn Feiners, and the bulk of the people will not hear of partition. We can do nothing to throw further light on the matter now except quote some of the views expressed by several of the members themselves. Dr. Mahaffy, of Trinity College, ventures an opinion that a solution will be found on the plan of creating separate Provincial Governments, to be afterwards brought into unity on the South African model. According to Lord Dunraven, the Canadian model, with necessary alterations, would be best suited to Irish - conditions. Sir Thomas Esmonde says: "We are aiming at dominion self-government, which would satisfy the Nationalists. I am indifferent as to whether we should have continued representation at Westminster, unless an Imperial Federation is established." Lord Middleton, who has succeeded Carson as chairman of ', the Unionist Alliance, and who has been one of ,the/■ most irreconcilable Die-hards, says: "I suggest creating, four States to comprise the Irish Commonwealth,^ al- .. though I recognise there would be great difficulty in ; . balancing trade advantages and defence responsibilities.. I think the decision should include early revision of the Empire's constitution. The delegates are. receiving printed details of the dominion constitution, for■ their guidance." Lord Chief Justice Campbell, another - irreconcilable, thinks that any solution reached will be 1 on the Canadian plan, but adds that Ulster will be a difficulty'. ~ ;.* ;i . The Pope's Appeal =; - ;^ At last we have the text of the Pope's appeal as' f? it was cabled to America by the British Foreign Office. "This epochal letter," says America, "is but a fuller expression of the ideas which his Holiness : has ■ pressed'A ■upon the nations since the beginning of the war moreover it is quite : in accord with the original claims of the Allies and with President'Wilson's statements, and •if accepted;'[iti deprives the Central Powers' of any chance of aggrandisement. As a consequence there is - ;no reasonable ground or• a ; reasonable refusal to listen to the Holy Father's appeal." The New York Sun's

special correspondent writes: "No one here doubts for a moment that the United States and all the Entente nations will give the Pope's proposals respectful and careful consideration. It may well be that they will prove the corner stone for the final peace terms of the future." "So far as Washington knows," says William Baird Hale in the New York American, "the Papal appeal contains no evidence of special sympathy with either cause, but is.concerned solely with the high purpose of terminating the sufferings of mankind and the • restoration of reason in international relations." We mentioned last week that Mr. Stead dwelt on the similarity between the Papal Note and President Wilson's statement to the Senate of the United States. Our reason for producing these quotations, which certainly .seem unnecessary to a man of ordinary intelligence and impartiality, is because in part of the press of this Dominion there seems to be neither intelligence nor honesty if we judge from the stupid, bigoted comments we have been regaled with for some time past. Such comments have no further effect than to expose the. ineptitude and the absolute incapacity for seeing things impartially which make certain New Zealand papers the pitiful things they are. We have read editorials which can onlv be described as tissues of falsehood and shrieks of No-Popery. Fortunately few people read the editorials in question, judging from experience that their own opinion on the cables is worth more than the views of the office. However, apart from men like Elliott, there are few left in New Zealand to manifest such disrespect for the Pope as we have witnessed in the editorials to which we refer. Broad Lines of Procedure As we already know, the Convention had hardly met when an adjournment was announced. The interval between the adjournment and the Bth August, the day fixed for the re-assembly, was to be utilised in accumulating necessary documents as well as a library dealing with the history of constitutional conventions in the Dominions and in the United States. Upon coming together in August organisation was to be completed, committees appointed, and plans of settlement formulating the views of the various parties were to be drawn up. This done, another adjournment should take place, during which the members are expected to put. before their constituents the views that had been mooted, with the object of ascertaining the feeling of the people throughout the country. After the next meeting the attempt to draw up a plan should be made, and a scheme being formulated the next step is for the members to lay it in broad detail before the people of Ireland. A plan having been adopted the next business is that of the working out of details and the drafting of a constitution. Some of the leaders hope that in this way the demand of the people for a determining voice in the issue will be satisfied, and all are anxious to avoid anything which might appear like imposition of a scheme on the people against their wishes. Mr. Devlin told a representative of the New York World that the Nationalists are prepared to grant any safeguards the Orangemen may demand. It is his opinion that the Sinn Feiners will . accept' a reasonable settlement if such can be reached by the Convention. On the other hand, De Valera declares that the entire scheme is an English trick to put off Irish opposition while Britain is in difficulties, and he believes, with we must admit, considerable warrant in the history of his country, that once England's.) troubles are ended the arrangements made would be all repudiated. As far as we can judge there are certainly strong grounds for hoping that a plan of selfgovernment, more or less satisfactory, will be produced by the Convention, and if a reasonable scheme is offered we cannot believe that the majority of the people will take; the extreme step of turning it down because they ; cannot have all they want at once. De Valera has ; expressed his willingness to consider such a scheme if it } be.proposed by the Convention. r , rf ' '-' : --['''~ :u! ;'y : :' : ' : ''

Mr. Asquith's Speech 4 - wf As might be expected when Mr. Asquith spoke on the question of peace we had far more light thrown on the subject in a few words than in all the hyperbolical efforts of his successor. Two things are worthy of note among the remarks of the ex-Premier:. he states as clearly as did President Wilson that the humiliation and the annihilation of the German people are no part of the war-aims of the Entente Powers: "We have no other wish for German democracy than that after shaking off this soul-destroying incubus they may learn certain lessons and enjoy the blessing of freedom. Our first aim is not a restoration of the status quo ante, but the establishment of an, international system under which all nations, great and small, shall be ensured a stable foundation . for independence and development." In the same strain he says elsewhere: "Still less can we look for a peace worthy of the name in any arrangement imposed on the victor by the vanquished which ignores the principles of right and defies historic traditions and the aspirations ami liberties of the people affected." The second point to be emphasised is that he gives us definite information as to what is expected of Germany: "Was she," he says, "ready to restore Alsace-Lorraine and Belgium to full independence without reservations, with as complete material compensation as possible for the devastation of the country and the sufferings of the people? A definite reply could be given to these inquiries in a few sentences which would be worth a whole column of platitudes." That speech of Mr. Asquith's is the healthiest sign of peace we have yet seen. Much of the talk we have been hearing (and reading in our own press) has had no other tendency than to confirm the Germans in their determination to fight to the bitter end: 'in other words, to prolong the war for ever. Will the Germans ever make peace while Jingoistic orators and editors talk of crushing them now, and by economic boycott after the war keeping them crushed Will the Turks ever make peace with people who tell them that their reward will be that, they will be wiped off the map of Europe? Mr. Asquith's wordsthe words of a real statesman—do away with that sort of talk. But we shall require much more in the same strain before the harm is undone. Nor is Mr. Asquith alone. He has the support of the man who counts most today in the war councils of the Allies. Mr. Wilson was the first to declare that he will have nothing to do with crushing the German or any other people. Hohenzollernism must go, he says, but the Germans must be free to work out their own salvation as a democracy should. The President did not accept the Pope's Note on the ground that, in his view, it afforded no satisfactory guarantees for the behaviour of Germany, but he still asserts that as soon as the German people are able to speak for themselves, as a people should, he will be ready to discuss peace. He assures them that he rejects the foolish aims of the "Prussianists" of the Entente, and that their country shall not be dismembered nor their trade ruined. Mr. Asquith's speech is substantially in agreement with Mr. Wilson's, and the effect of both is an assurance to the Central Powers, which, although it may not go far as positive information, goes a long way farther than any previous statements in telling them what the Allies will not do. We shall get much farther off* the road now if Mr. Asquith only relieves Lloyd George of his office. One statement of the Welsh orator to the effect that even when the vast majority of a people desire self-government they cannot have it unless the minority are satisfied \ furnishes a principle which, if acted upon would keep Europe in turmoil until the crack of doom. However, Lloyd George counts for very little now in the ..councils of Europe.., President Wilson : is the dominant .partner.; and ... it is hopeful to find a man of Mr. /Asquith's standing in accord .-with him. Italian statesmen have proclaimed -that the expectation of a decisive victory ,is foolish. . However :bravely the" men of France'have fought, the heroes who remain must know that a fight to a finish is now unthinkable. Herr Efzberger is allowed to travel -through

Germany in his campaign for peace and the democratisation of the people a sure sign, we take it, that Germany is as tired of the struggle as any other country involved. Next Sunday we shall all unite in praying for peace, lasting and honorable; God send it soon ! There is a substantial agreement between the speech of Mr. Asquith, the declaration of President Wilson to Congress, and the Pope’s Note. Logically, our contemporaries, which spoke of the Pope’s “pro-German peace-kite,” and mad© him an accessory after the fact with the Kaiser, ought now denounce President Wilson and Mr. Asquith.