Current Topics

New Zealand Tablet, 11 May 1916, Page 17

Current Topics

The Bolt Prom the Blue

Coming events do not always cast their shadows before, or at any rate the shadows, in some cases, are so faint as to be scarcely discernible. It must be noted as l one of the most remarkable features of the Sinn Fein rising that the rebels succeeded in keeping their plans so completely secret. A day or two bexore the outbreak there may have been an uneasy feeling abroad that something was afoot; but up to a few weeks before the first shot was fired the public mind in Ireland appears to have been quite at ease regarding the general situation. So much may be plainly gathered from the leading article in the Dublin Freeman’s Journal of March —the latest issue to hand—which is devoted to urging that, owing to the unprecedentedly quiet condition of the country, the members of the Royal Irish Constabulary ought to be allowed and encouraged to enlist. Under the heading ‘ Why Not the R.I.C. V the Dublin paper writes : ‘ Why are not the Royal Irish Constabulary allowed to enlist? For long years Ireland has been over-policed. The Constabulary has not been a peace force ; it has been an afmy of occupation. It was the outward and effective symbol of coercion and Unionist mirsule. Possibly, in times of serious political unrest or grave agrarian trouble, there may have been reason for a strong force, at any rate from the point of view of a Government determined to repress Nationalist sentiment and bent on upholding landlord domination. There is no agrarian crime, not even a foolish cattle drive, to give an excuse for a constabulary display. Ordinary crime has almost disappeared. White gloves are becoming a nuisance to the judges. An air of desolation hangs around the jails filled in the days of Forster and Balfour.’ And so on. Who could have imagined that a few short weeks later Sackville street would be in ruins, and- the thoroughfares of the capital would be running with blood

Bishop Nevill and the Irish Question

Synodical addresses have a tendency to be academic and ‘ in the air,’ and in consequence they do not as a rule make any very strong appeal to the general public. The address delivered by the Anglican Primate (Bishop Nevill, of Dunedin) at the opening of the General Synod of the Church of England, held at Christchurch last week is, however, quite an exceptionthoughtful, practical, and interesting in every part. Especially happy, coming at such a time, was his sympathetic reference to the Irish question and situation. After alluding to the unification of the Empire as one of the outcomes of the war, and to the indirect effect which such a development is likely to have upon the religious life of the nation, Bishop Nevill continued :‘ To touch upon one illustration only of the unifying effect of a common danger. A few months ago there seemed to be but little prospect of averting civil war between the varying elements of the population of Ireland, but the trumpet call .of a common danger awakened a common sentiment, and the Ulster man and his fellow-country-man from the south or west have cheerfully endured together the miseries of the same trench, or dashed together with equal zeal against a common foe. It has been said that when the war is over the weapons raised so gloriously against the King’s enemies will be turned against each other. I refuse to believe it! Notwithstanding the outbreak of a seditious organisation instigated by our enemies, I believe that' the horrors they have shared together will prove to both that war, entered upon from any motive less holy than that of self-defence, or the protection of the weak, is a crime against humanity.’ That has always been our own view ; and it is pleasant to know that that is also how it strikes a disinterested outsider.

The Religious Prospects - of - Ireland

It r may .seem strange to discuss such a subject at such a time—when some .15,000, as is alleged, of Ireland's ,population have beep engaged in a deplorable

and utterly unjustified rebellion, when 3000 of them are awaiting trial for sedition, and when three of the leading spirits have just paid the death penalty for that crime. But these events have only given point to a question that has been more than once raised of late the question, namely, whether, with the return of peace and the advent of Home Rule, there is danger to Ireland of such a calamity as the loss of Irish faith and morality. So far as recent happenings are concerned, it is safe to assert that they have little or no real bearing or significance in this connection. As we have already pointed out, this mad rising had behind it neither the spirit of Irish nationality nor of Irish faith. The leaders of the revolt were not followers of the faith of Patrick ; and the Catholic population as a whole held steadily aloof and remained solidly loyal in this crisis. As a matter of fact it is recognised, even by the sober and ultra-Conservative London Times, that it was the splendid loyalty and steadfastness of the Irish people that really saved the situation, and proved the complete undoing of German hopes and schemes. The Larkins and Connollys and hot-head Sinn Feiners are no more typical of Irish manhood than the Pankhursts and their following are of English womanhood, or than our own ‘ Red Fed ’ extremists are of the working class population of this country.

On the general question of the religious outlook in Ireland there is no need to take any panicky or pessimistic view. The only guide to the future is the past; and the Irish traditions of fidelity to the law of' God and the See of Peter are too deeply rooted to be easily weakened or destroyed. Such is the firm conviction of so thoughtful and careful an observer as his Grace the Archbishop of Glasgow. ■ Dealing with the subject in his Lenten Pastoral, his Grace remarks: ‘Some of those who profess to know more of Ireland, than the Irish do themselves, are always ready to point out signs of weakening faith, or declining morality. Let us consider this; and to help us to do so we may dwell for a little on the past history of religion in Ireland.’ After a brief historical retrospect his Grace continues: I So much for the past; what of the probable future ? It is true we cannot prophesy ; Christ did not promise continuance to any nation. Some that were at one time fervid have fallen away ; in countries once faithful the supernatural has been almost blotted out, and men live only for money, for pleasure, for ambition. But though we cannot predict we can at least gather probabilities. And it is not unfair to read the future in the light of the past. . . . The expectation thus picturesquely fixed in Irish tradition seems to be solidly probable if we think for a moment of the dangers already described which have been met by our forefathers, and of the way in which they were met. If similar dangers are to return, why should we fear? The Irish race, as it has proved during the last eighteen months, is as steady, as cheerful under difficulties, as brave in the face of death, as devoted to its faith as ever it was. Is it likely to fail to do as much for its faith, if need be, as it has done and is doing for the British Empire ? The question answers, itself. Death, whether in war or in persecution, has no fears for those who do not merely profess to believe, but believe in their hearts that it is but the' gate of eternal life to the worthy, and that Patrick’s true sons dying will be welcomed and brought to the Saviour by him who prayed for them on the mount. Yes ;we have good reason to hope that the future will be as the past, and this is founded on what we have just heard of the perseverance, the missionary zeal that brings God’s blessing, the readiness to face individual martyrdom and even national extinction rather than lose the faith.’

The Church and the Rebellion

There have so far been only fragmentary references to priests and prelates in the Irish cables, but when the full story of the rebellion is told it will .assuredly be found that the, Church has exerted a wholesome and salutary influence throughout the whole pf this very serious trouble. x Thursday’s cables record

that the. Bishop of- Cork was finally successful in inducing the rebels in that city to lay down their arms, and the incident has probably had its counterpart, on a smaller scale, in other parts of Ireland. In an earlier cable we were informed that the people went to Mass on Sunday to ‘ hear the rebels denounced.’ What the attitude of the Church authorities would be may be sufficiently gathered from the utterances of the Irish Bishops in their Lenten Pastorals, some of whom seem to have had a tolerably clear vision of the influences that were at work. ‘ While I hope you will till your fields,’ wrote the Archbishop of Tuam, "‘ you will also be ready to fight for them against all comers, but especially against • the Germans. We till the land that bore us, and we mean to hold it at any cost; and Irishmen are able to fight. This has been proved at every battle-front in Europe, and is now admitted by all. And we want more such genuine soldiers. It is not for England but for Ireland we want them. We do not want our fertile acres seized by the brutal foe; and what is to save them and enable us to hold them but the strong arms and courageous hearts of you and your allies? I hope you will rally to the flag, not by compulsion or coercion, but from a sense of duty, as becomes free men. The man who strikes a blow against the Prussian strikes a blow for justice, freedom, and right.’

The Bishop of Cloyxxe earnestly warns his people not to allow Ireland to run the risk of becoming another Belgium : ‘We are not going to throw away the fruits of a long, arduous and successful constitutional struggle. The Irish people have made this clear. Ireland has shown, by the voluntary presence in the armies of the Allied nations of 150,000 dauntless soldiers from this sparsely populated little island, and by as many more of her scattered sons from abroad, that she is determined to protect herself against such a fate as has overtaken Belgium— she is determined to defend her homes, her farms, her industries, her religious freedom, her educational institutions—in a word, her hard-won liberties. This is our citizen djtity.’ The Bishop of Derry is equally direct and emphatic in his comments' on the guilt and responsibility of Germany in regard to the - origin and conduct of the war : f In this fierce war that day by day grows fiercer, the conduct of Germany, inspired, no doubt, by Prussian militarism, is the very antithesis of what the Catholic Church tells us is required by the law of God. To most people it is a difficulty they cannot well understand how a nation, professing Christianity, and claiming to have reached such a standard of culture and civilisation that her example should serve as a model for the rest of Europe, could be guilty of excesses without parallel even in the pages of pagan history. But the secret of .it all is to be found in the fact that Germany recognises no authority superior to her own. The German mind and spirit and view of things is a law to itself. There is no objective standard of morality outside itself to which it feels bound to conform. No doubt the German War Lord and his officers talk of morality and right 'and justice, but the standard by which these are to be tested is, not what the Divine Law or the natural law or even international law prescribes, but. what the German mind is pleased to regard as such.’ The people under the influence of guidance such as that could have no part or lot in the mad rising of Easter week.

Compulsion in Britain

The announcement that the Military Service Bill, involving the application of general conscription, has passed its second reading * in the House of Commons carries with it little element of surprise. For a long time past it has been clear that conscription was bound to come in Britain, just as it is now clear that it is certain to come, in however modified a form, in this country also. The principal features of interest in the opening of this new ■ chapter of Britain’s part in the Great War are: (1) The magnificent results, already achieved by the voluntary system in Britain. The

fact that the Empire,' faced 'with the most profound problem it has had to deal-with in the course of 800 years, has raised over 6,000,000 men by voluntary enlistment, is certainly a memorable one. The history of the past twenty-one months’ war is the greatest tribute that could be accorded to the voluntary, system. (2) The step marks a tremendous break with the traditions, the prejudices, and the habits of mind of the British nation. It is, in short, a revolution, and one of which not one of her enemies, and not many, even of her friends, thought that Britain was capable. (3) The unanimous agreement of responsible statesmen and of the • military authorities that the step is absolutely necessary to secure victory and an enduring settlement. To this point Mr. Lloyd George made emphatic reference when he declared that the military authorities had stated that it made the difference between defeat and victory that they should secure men immediately and that he would rather be driven out of public life than have the responsibility of refusing. We on.this bench,’ said Mr. Balfour, referring to'the compulsory principle in a former. Bill, who have looked into the matter are all of opinion that this Bill is a, necessity. There is not one member of the Government who does not hold that this is a Bill essential to the proper carrying on of the war.’ (4) The clear declaration, on the part of those responsible, that the new proposals are not to be made the thin edge of the wedge for a system of permanent conscription. On this point Mr. Balfour has said : ‘ 1 do not believe that this Bill can in any conceivable way be made the thin end of the wedge of a universal system of conscription. If in the future a Minister had to propose a system of universal conscription, if he knew his business he would not appeal to this measure as a precedent. It is the strongest argument against it . . . Militarism is an affair of the heart, it is an affair of the disposition of a nation, and nothing will make me believe that any revolution of fate or fortune will turn this country, whose traditions have been continuous and unchanged.’ (5) The unfeigned satisfaction which Britain's decision has given to her Allies. All the leading French papers, as the cables intimate, have warmly welcomed the Military Service Bill, and have expressed unbounded gratification at the course Britain lias taken. That is the general feeling throughout France. Colonel Page Croft told the House of Commons recently how he found a peasant woman in France reading the announcement of the Government Conscription policy in a French newspaper, and how she said to him: That means the beginning of the end : that means victory.’ (6) The indication which the Bill affords of the temper in which Britain is facing the tremendous work that lies ahead. It means a tightening up of every resolve and activity to get on with the war, and to bring it to a victorious end. The Bill is, and is meant to be, a summons to a supreme and final effort, and the burden and spirit of Mr. Lloyd George’s stirring speech were those of the rugged senator’s appeal in ‘Cato’ :

‘ Gods, caxx a Roxxxaxx senate loxxg debate, Which of the two to choose, slavery or death !

No, let us rise at once, gird on our swords, And, at the head of our remaining troops Attack the foe, break through the thick array Of his thronged legions, and charge home upon him; Perhaps some arm more lucky than the rest, t May reach his heart and free the world from bondage. Rise, fathers, rise ’tis Rome demands your help; Rise, and revenge her slaughtered citizens, Or share their fate : the corps of half her senate Manure the fields of Thessaly, while we Sit here, deliberating in cold debates, If we should sacrifice our lives to honor.

Or wear them out in servitude and chains.

Rouse up for shame : our brothers of Pharsalia Point at their wounds and cry aloudto battle!’